East West Center 1959

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Howard_P._Jones

Howard Palfrey Jones (January 2, 1899 – September 1973)[1] was a United States diplomat whose career was focused on Southeast and East Asia. Between March 1958 and April 1965, Jones served as the United States Ambassador to Indonesia during the last years of the Sukarno presidency. He was known for his warm friendship and good rapport with President Sukarno, the first President of Indonesia and the country’s premier nationalist leader.

Biography

After graduating from the University of Wisconsin he became a newspaper editor in Evansville, Indiana. There, despite threats to Jones from the KKK grand eagle, the newspaper ran an article on KKK-run criminal activities and their control over local police. [2]

Howard Jones served as a colonel in the United States Army during World War II and later worked for the Economic Cooperation Administration after the War. He briefly worked as a journalist before joining the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Between July 1954 and July 1955, he served in the dual role as the director of the USAID program in Indonesia and the embassy’s economic counsellor
at the US Embassy in Jakarta. From February 1956 to April 1957, he served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Bureau of Far Eastern Economic Affairs at the State Department‘s headquarters in Washington, D.C. In addition, Jones also held the position of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs between May 1957 and February 1958.[3][4]

In March 1958, Howard Jones was appointed as United States Ambassador to Indonesia, a position which he would hold for the next seven years. Jones played an important role in repairing the damaged caused to United States-Indonesian relations by the Eisenhower Administration‘s covert support for the failed PRRI/Permesta regional uprisings in Sumatra and the Celebes.[3][4] Following the capture of an American pilot Allen Lawrence Pope who was participating in a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) black op in support of the Permesta rebels, Jones portrayed Pope as an American “paid soldier of fortune and expressed his regret at the involvement of an American.[5] According to the political scientists and Indonesia experts Audrey Kahin and George McTurnan Kahin, Pope’s capture exposed United States support for the PRRI-Permesta rebels and embarrassed the Eisenhower Administration. Ambassador Jones praised the Indonesian government for not seeking to make political capital out of the Popes affair. However, Jones privately expressed anger at his Government for causing the deaths of 700 civilians. The Popes affair contributed to a left-ward drift in Indonesian politics which helped the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).[6]

Pope on trial in Jakarta, December 1959

Allen Lawrence Pope (October 20, 1928 – April 4, 2020) was an American military and paramilitary aviator. He rose to international attention as the subject of a diplomatic dispute between the United States and Indonesia after the B-26 Invader[a] aircraft he was piloting in a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covert operation was shot down over Ambon on May 18, 1958, during the “Indonesian Crisis”.

Pope’s aviation career began with the United States Air Force, serving with distinction flying bombing missions in the Korean War. He transferred to the CIA in 1954, which he also served with distinction flying transport missions in the First Indochina War.

In the Permesta rebellion in Indonesia in 1958, Pope again flew bombing missions for the CIA. Shot down by government forces, he was captured and held under house arrest for just over four years. In 1960, an Indonesian court condemned him to death, but considerable back-channel negotiations led to his release by President Sukarno in 1962. Pope returned to the United States and subsequently flew CIA covert missions in other theaters.

Biography

Pope was born in Miami, Florida on October 20, 1928.[1][2] He graduated from the University of Florida,[3] After university, Pope entered the U.S. Air Force and served as a first lieutenant in the Korean War. He flew a Douglas B-26 Invader in combat, receiving three Air Medals and a Distinguished Flying Cross.[3] After the war, the U.S. Air Force returned Pope to the United States as an Air Force instructor.[3]

Điện Biên Phủ

[edit]

In March 1954, Pope left the U.S. Air Force and joined a CIA front organization, Civil Air Transport (CAT), flying one of its Fairchild C-119 Flying Boxcars to supply French forces besieged in the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ in French Indochina.[3] On March 13, Việt Minh artillery disabled Điện Biên Phủ’s airstrip, forcing the French garrison there to be supplied by air drop.[4] CAT pilots flew hundreds of sorties from Cat Bi to Điện Biên Phủ.[4] On May 6, 1954, the day before the French force surrendered, Pope was co-pilot of the lead aircraft in a group of six C-119s that made the last air drop to the besieged garrison.[4] Pope remained with CAT at the end of the First Indochina War that August, initially making civilian charter flights from Taiwan, later from Saigon.[3]

Indonesian crisis

[edit]

In April 1958, CAT recalled Pope from Saigon to Taiwan and sent him to Clark Air Base in the Philippines, where he was assigned a B-26 Invader that had been painted black and had its markings obscured. His destination was Indonesia, to participate in a covert operation intended to overthrow Communist-leaning president Sukarno and topple his Guided Democracy in Indonesia regime. There he was to link up with Permesta rebels, insurgents led by dissident local army officers.[5]

On April 27, 1958, Pope landed his bomber at Mapanget, a rebel-held Indonesian Air Force base on the Minahassa Peninsula of northern Sulawesi. He joined fellow CAT pilot and former U.S. Air Force officer, William H. Beale, who had been flying a B-26 Invader for Permesta’s Angkatan Udara Revolusioner (“Revolutionary Air Force”, or AUREV) since April 19.[6]

Pope flew his first AUREV mission on April 27, attacking the government-held island of Morotai in the hours before a Permesta amphibious force successfully landed and took the island.[7] The CIA instructed CAT pilots to target commercial shipping in order to frighten foreign merchant ships away from Indonesian waters, thereby weakening the Indonesian economy and undermining Sukarno’s government.[8] On April 28, Pope attacked the government-held province of Central Sulawesi. One source asserts that off the port of Donggala, he bombed and sank three merchant ships: SS Aquila (Italian), SS Armonia (Greek) and SS Flying Lark (registered in Panama).[8] Pope continued the sortie by attacking Palu, the provincial capital city, destroying 22 vehicles in a truck park.[9] Aquila was certainly bombed and sunk by an AUREV aircraft. However, a wreck off Ambon Island, more than 500 miles (800 km) east of Donggala, has now been identified as Aquila.[10] Another source suggests that Aquila was bombed not on April 28 but on May 1 or 2.[11]

On April 29, Pope attacked the government-held province of South East Sulawesi. He struck the Indonesian Air Force base at Kendari,[12] the provincial capital, with 500 lb (230 kg) bombs and machine-gun fire.[13] He then strafed an Indonesian Navy patrol boat, KRI Intana, killing five crew and wounding another 23.[13] On April 30, Pope again attacked Palu and Donggala; sinking a ship, destroying a warehouse and demolishing a bridge.[13] On May 1, Pope attacked the city of Ambon, the provincial capital of Maluku.[14] His four 500 lb bombs missed his waterfront targets and fell in the sea.[14] He then tried a strafing run, but his starboard engine suffered an explosion.[14] Pope aborted the attack and returned to Mapanget.[14]

It took several days for the B-26 to be given a replacement starboard engine. Pope’s next sortie was on May 7, when he again attacked the government airbase at Ambon.[15] He seriously damaged a Douglas C-47 Skytrain and a North American P-51 Mustang and caused other damage on the airbase.[15] On May 8, he attacked the Palu area in the morning[15] and Ambon in the afternoon.[16] On Ambon, he bombed and machine-gunned the government-held Liang airbase in the northeast of the island, damaging the runway and destroying a Consolidated PBY Catalina.[16] He then continued to Ambon city where he attacked an Indonesian Navy gunboat at anchor.[16] His bomb missed, but he then attacked with machine-guns, wounding two crew and damaging the gunboat.[16] Since May 1, Beale and his B-26 had been resting at Clark Air Base,[14] leaving Pope’s aircraft as AUREV’s only active bomber. On May 9, Beale returned to Mapanget, releasing Pope who then took his turn to fly to Clark for several days’ leave.[16]

On May 15, Pope attacked a small transport ship, the Naiko, in Ambon Bay.[17] She was a merchant ship that the Indonesian Government had pressed into military service, and was bringing a company of Ambonese troops home from East Java.[18] Pope’s bomb hit the Naikos engine room, killing one crew member and 16 infantrymen[18] and setting the ship on fire.[17] He then attacked Ambon city, aiming for the barracks. His first bomb missed and exploded in a market-place next door.[17] His next landed in the barracks compound, but bounced and exploded near an ice factory.[17] He then returned to Mapanget to find that in his absence, the Indonesian Air Force had bombed the rebel air base,[17] destroying a CIA/AUREV PBY Catalina[19] and damaging a CIA/AUREV P-51 Mustang.[20]

The Indonesian government alleged that Pope’s bombing of a marketplace in Ambon city had killed a large number of civilians.[21] This later turned out to be untrue,[citation needed] but in the meantime the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta protested to the United States Department of State, which then warned the CIA team in Manado.[22] The CIA tightened its AUREV pilots’ rules of engagement to attacking only airfields and boats.[22] Even military buildings were prohibited.[22]

Capture

[edit]

By mid-May, Indonesian government forces were planning amphibious counter-attacks on the islands of Morotai and Halmahera[23] that Permesta had captured toward the end of April. This involved assembling a naval and transport fleet in Ambon bay, where ships started to arrive from Java on May 16.[23] At 0300 on May 18, Pope took off from Mapanget to attack Ambon again.[22] He first attacked the airfield, destroying the C-47 and P-51 that he had damaged on May 7.[24] A short distance west of Ambon Bay, he found the invasion fleet,[24] which included two 7,000-ton merchant ships being used as troop transports.[23] One of the transports, the Sawega, was trying to take evasive maneuvers as Pope attacked it;[25] his bomb fell in the sea 40 metres (130 ft) short of its target.[26]

The Indonesian Air Force had one serviceable P-51 Mustang on Ambon, at Liang airbase. When Pope attacked Ambon airfield on May 18, the P-51 flown by Ignatius Dewanto at Liang was scrambled to repel him.[24] Dewanto closed on the B-26 just as Pope was attacking the Sawega.[26] The convoy took both aircraft to be AUREV and fired on both of them.[27] Dewanto also hit the B-26, damaging its starboard wing[26] and the bomber caught fire.[27] Pope and his Permesta radio operator, Jan Harry Rantung, bailed out.[27][28] As they jumped, the B-26 was entering a sharp dive and the slipstream threw Pope against the tail fin, fracturing his right leg.[27] They landed on the coast of Pulau Hatala, a small island west of Ambon, where a small Indonesian Navy landing party from one of the invasion fleet’s minesweepers was put ashore and captured them.[28][29]

Some 20 other AUREV insurgent aircraft were reported to have been seen with Nationalist Chinese markings obscured by hasty coats of paint. Their pilots were Nationalist Chinese and Americans from CAT.[29]

Trial, conviction and release

[edit]

U.S. Ambassador Howard P. Jones portrayed Pope as an American “paid soldier of fortune and expressed his regret at the involvement of an American.[29] However, when he was captured Pope was carrying about 30 incriminating documents, including his flight log, that substantially added to the embarrassment of the Eisenhower administration in the U.S.A.[30]

Pope admitted to flying only one[31] or two[32] missions, but his flight log recorded eight[32] and another source states that he flew a total of 12.[33] Pope “spent the early hours of Sunday, May 18, over Ambon City in eastern Indonesia, sinking a navy ship, bombing a market, and destroying a church. The official death toll was six civilians and seventeen military officers”.[34] When Pope was shot down by anti-aircraft fire, he was pursuing a ship carrying one thousand Indonesian troops.[35] “His last bomb missed the troopship by about forty feet, sparing hundreds of lives”.[36]

After fracturing his right thigh when bailing out,[28] Pope was held not in prison but under house arrest at the small mountain resort of Kaliurang, where his injury was given “excellent medical attention”.[33] He said he felt he was fighting international communism. An Indonesian four-man military court rejected Pope’s plea to be considered a prisoner of war. On April 29, 1960, it found him guilty of killing 17 members of Indonesia’s armed forces and six civilians[35] and sentenced him to death.[33][37]

The execution was not carried out, but Pope remained under house arrest.[38] He was used as a bargaining chip in Indonesian negotiations with the United States for arms. He was eventually exchanged with 10 Lockheed C-130 Hercules transport planes.[39] In February 1962, U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy paid President Sukarno a goodwill visit and pleaded for Pope’s release.[38][40] Sukarno also received a visit from Pope’s wife, mother and sister, who all tearfully pleaded for his pardon.[38] On July 2, 1962, Pope was quietly driven to the airport and put on a U.S. plane out of Indonesia.[38] Sukarno told Pope:

I want no propaganda about it. Now go. Lose yourself in the USA secretly. Don’t show yourself publicly. Don’t give out news stories. Don’t issue statements. Just go home, hide yourself, get lost, and we’ll forget the whole thing.[38]

Southern Air Transport

[edit]

After his release from Indonesian imprisonment in 1962 Pope returned to Miami, where he joined Southern Air Transport (SAT).[1] Like CAT, SAT was a CIA front organization[1] flying covert missions in regions including southeast Asia.

Recognition

[edit]

On February 24, 2005, France’s ambassador to the US, Jean-David Levitte, made the then 76-year-old Pope and six other CAT pilots Chevaliers de la Légion d’Honneur for their service in the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ.[4] In 2005, Pope said of his Vietnam service:

I’m a communist fighter. I was born and raised to be against the communists.[41]

Of his Indonesian experience in 1958 he had elsewhere observed:

I enjoyed killing Communists… They said Indonesia was a failure [Al Pope reflected bitterly], but we knocked the shit out of them. We killed thousands of Communists, even though half of them probably didn’t even know what Communism meant.[42]

Death

[edit]

Pope died on April 4, 2020, at the age of 91. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery.[43]

Following the resignation of John Foster Dulles as Secretary of State in 1959, Howard Jones and his allies gained greater support for their accommodationist policies towards Indonesia in the United States Government. This trend was accelerated during the John F. Kennedy presidency (1961–1963). The Kennedy Administration repaired Washington’s relations with Indonesia by helping to broker a peaceful settlement to the West New Guinea dispute in August 1962. In addition, Sukarno cultivated a warm personal relationship with Howard Jones and regarded him as friendly and trustworthy. However, Sukarno still disliked the CIA and believed that the intelligence agency was plotting to overthrow him – a belief that would later be revealed to be well founded.[7][8] According to another former US diplomat and colleague Edward E. Masters, Howard Jones genuinely believed that Sukarno was a moderate who was not hostile towards the United States but was instead misled by ill-intentioned advisers like the-then Indonesian Foreign Minister Subandrio. This optimistic view was not shared by other American diplomats including Masters and Francis Joseph Galbraith, the Deputy Chief of Mission. Despite these differences, Jones was remembered by his colleagues at the US Embassy in Jakarta as a kind, gentle man who harbored no bitterness.[9]

According to George Kahin, Howard Jones was critical of the CIA’s interference in Indonesian politics. The CIA disliked Jones for his conciliatory approach towards President Sukarno and sought to have him replaced by undermining his reputation on charges of being soft on the Indonesian Communists. Jones was also critical of British policies towards the creation of Malaysia; particularly the reluctance of the British authorities to consult their Indonesian and Philippines counterparts and the joint decision of the Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman and the British Colonial Secretary Duncan Sandys to proceed with the creation of Malaysia on September 16, 1963 without waiting for the United Nations Ascertainment Mission in Sarawak and Sabah to produce their results. However, Jones’ criticisms of the British was overruled by the Lyndon B. Johnson Administration, which was unsympathetic to Sukarno’s policy of Confrontation with Malaysia.[10]

Ultimately, Howard Jones’ efforts to induce a pro-American shift in Indonesian foreign policy failed due to Sukarno’s increasing hostility to the West and his rapprochement with the People’s Republic of China. On May 24, 1965, Howard Jones returned to the United States and was succeeded by Marshall Green, who abandoned Jones’ conciliatory policy towards Sukarno and was present during the Transition to the New Order.[11] In April 1971, Jones published a memoir of his experiences working in Indonesia, called Indonesia: The Possible Dream.[12]

https://mronline.org/2021/10/07/a-company-family-the-untold-history-of-obama-and-the-cia/

CIA Family Connection—Ann Dunham

Obama’s record as president should not have been surprising given his family background.

His mother, Ann Dunham, worked for U.S. government agencies and allied NGOs—the Ford Foundation, Asia Foundation, Development Alternatives Inc., and United States Agency for International Development (USAID)—in Indonesia in the 1960s and 1970s as well as Ghana, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, and Thailand.

Ann had training in the Russian language which, with everything combined, made her a “CIA recruiter’s wet dream.”8

The microfinancing projects that she worked on to help turn traditional craft industries into sustainable businesses were designed to “tether third world masses to the mentality of finance capitalism,” as Obama’s unauthorized biographer put it.

Dunham’s boss at USAID in Indonesia, Dr. Donald Gordon Jr., author of Credit for Small Farmers in Developing Countries for USAID (1976), was identified in Julius Mader’s 1968 book, Who Who’s in the CIA, as a CIA agent.9

Another boss, Peter Geithner, was future Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner’s father.

Ann obtained her Bachelor’s and Master’s degree in anthropology at the University of Hawaii, writing a thesis which argued that Indonesian villagers were dynamic and could produce greater wealth if they had access to market incentives and capital.

Ann went to Indonesia in the mid 1960s at the time that the CIA supported a military coup led by General Suharto against the left-wing regime of Sukarno.

Over two million suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) were rounded up and massacred in its aftermath and thousands more were imprisoned—many for decades.

Much of Ann’s anthropological and consulting field work was carried out in East and Central Java, which provided a hotbed of support for the PKI—including among members of the Javanese women’s association and labor federation.

The CIA at this time employed anthropologists and development workers as undercover agents to gather information on villagers’ political affiliations, in which Ann, according to her thesis adviser, Alice Dewey, had taken an interest.

After her arrival in Indonesia, Dunham taught English at the American Embassy in Jakarta, which also housed one of the largest CIA stations in Asia and had significant satellite stations in Surabaya in eastern Java and Medan on Sumatra.

Dunham also worked for the Indonesian-American Friendship Institute in Jakarta, a suspected CIA front. One of her closest colleagues, Adi Sasono, had been the leader of the Muslim students during the overthrow of Sukarno.

While Ann’s recruitment as a CIA agent has never been openly acknowledged, she was among the few U.S. government employees with the language skills and access to fulfill this role effectively. Development projects in the region were explicitly designed to pry villagers away from the PKI orbit, and Ann’s work would have contributed to this.

In March 1965, Ann married an Indonesian Lieutenant Colonel, Lolo Soetoro, whom she met at the University of Hawaii’s East-West Center, a “kinder, gentler version of the School of the Americas,” according to one writer, and “cover for a training program in which Southeast Asians were brought to Hawaii and trained to go back to create agent nets,” as U.S. Information Service (USIS) Director Frank Scotten described it.

The head of the East-West Center in 1965 was Howard P. Jones, U.S. ambassador to Indonesia from 1958 to 1965.10

Jones was present in Jakarta as Suharto and his CIA-backed military officers planned the 1965 overthrow of Sukarno, who was seen, along with the PKI as an ally of China.

Jones later defended the coup in The Washington Post, writing that Suharto was merely responding to a communist coup against Sukarno led by Colonel Untung—which was actually set up by the CIA.11

A friend of Ann’s told her biographer that the marriage to Lolo was arranged, suggesting that Ann may have acted as a female “honeypot” for the CIA whose job was to recruit assets and help them obtain U.S. citizenship.

Hailing from an aristocratic family which lost out in Sukarno’s land reform, Soetoro was recalled to active duty in July 1965 before General Suharto’s right-wing coup and worked as an army geographer in Java and Papua New Guinea, where the Indonesian army brutally suppressed popular revolts.

Soetoro went on to become an executive at Mobil Oil and its liaison to Suharto, whose economic policies Dunham praised.

– https://mronline.org/2021/10/07/a-company-family-the-untold-history-of-obama-and-the-cia/

On October 1, 1943, future president Ricahard Nixon was promoted to lieutenant. Nixon commanded the SCAT forward detachments at Vella Lavella, Bougainville, and finally at Nissan Island.

In October 1942, he was given his first assignment as aide to the commander of the Naval Air Station Ottumwa in Wapello County, Iowa, until May 1943. Seeking more excitement, he requested sea duty; on July 2, 1943, he was assigned to Marine Aircraft Group 25 and the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command (SCAT), where he supported the logistics of operations in the South Pacific theater during World War II. [These are the islands in Papua New Guinea LBJ was serving in or other islands near the coast of Australia.]

In World War II, what led to the complaint about the first American troops arriving in England,

  • Overpaid,
  • Over sexed,
  • And over here.”

https://www.quora.com/There-English-soldiers-in-WWII-disliked-the-Yanks-for-four-overs-they-were-overpaid-oversexed-overconfident-and-over-here-How-true-was-that

Ronald M. Walker (Lives in The United Kingdom)

Originally Answered: In World War II, what led to the complaint about the first American troops arriving in England, “overpaid, over sexed, and over here“?

Mistaken premise (very common on Quora!) the complaint about overpaid Americans was first made by the Australians, not by the British. American military leaders in Australia had behaved arrogantly – and sometimes incompetantly – leading to some very bad feeling between Australian and American troops (even to the extent of exchanges of gunfire between them.) One of the nastiest fights in the Pacific Theatre took place on the Kokoda Trail in Papua NewGuinea, to reach which troops needed to climb for miles – and hours – up a narrow track – at forty five degrees – in a continual tropical downpour, carrying with them all they’d need to fight. Kind of like running a marathon in full kit while someone plays a fire-hose on you. Unsurprisingly, they reached the top of the track totally exhausted, and hardly in a condition to fight. Or, as McArthur suggested, They just weren’t trying hard enough. Coming from McArthur… no wonder there was resentment at the Johnny-come-latelys.

The Kokoda Track or Trail is a single-file foot thoroughfare that runs 96 kilometres (60 mi) overland – 60 kilometres (37 mi) in a straight line – through the Owen Stanley Range in Papua New Guinea (PNG). The track was the location of the 1942 World War II battle between Japanese and Allied – primarily Australian – forces in what was then the Australian territory of Papua.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kokoda_Track_campaign

The Kokoda Track campaign or Kokoda Trail campaign was part of the Pacific War of World War II. The campaign consisted of a series of battles fought between July and November 1942 in what was then the Australian Territory of Papua. It was primarily a land battle, between the Japanese South Seas Detachment under Major General Tomitarō Horii and Australian and Papuan land forces under command of New Guinea Force. The Japanese objective was to seize Port Moresby by an overland advance from the north coast, following the Kokoda Track over the mountains of the Owen Stanley Range, as part of a strategy to isolate Australia from the United States.

Japanese forces landed and established beachheads near Gona and Buna on 21 July 1942. Opposed by Maroubra Force, then consisting of four platoons of the 39th Battalion and elements of the Papuan Infantry Battalion, they quickly advanced and captured Kokoda and its strategically vital airfield on 29 July. Despite reinforcement, the Australian forces were continually pushed back. The veteran Second Australian Imperial Force (AIF) 21st Brigade narrowly avoided capture in the Battle of Mission Ridge – Brigade Hill from 6 to 8 September. In the Battle of Ioribaiwa from 13 to 16 September, the 25th Brigade under Brigadier Kenneth Eather fought the Japanese to a halt but ceded the field to the Japanese, withdrawing to Imita Ridge.

The Japanese advanced to within sight of Port Moresby but withdrew on 26 September. They had outrun their supply line and had been ordered to withdraw in consequence of reverses suffered at Guadalcanal. The Australian pursuit encountered strong opposition from well-prepared positions around Templeton’s Crossing and Eora Village from 11 to 28 October. Following the unopposed recapture of Kokoda, a major battle was fought around Oivi and Gorari from 4 to 11 November, resulting in a victory for the Australians. By 16 November, two brigades of the Australian 7th Division had crossed the Kumusi River at Wairopi, and advanced on the Japanese beachheads in a joint Australian and United States operation. The Japanese forces at Buna-Gona held out until 22 January 1943.

Australian reinforcement was hampered by the logistical problems of supporting a force in isolated, mountainous, jungle terrain. There were few planes available for aerial resupply, and techniques for it were still primitive. Australian command considered that the Vickers machine gun and medium mortars were too heavy to carry and would be ineffective in the jungle terrain. Without artillery, mortars or medium machine guns, the Australians faced an opponent equipped with mountain guns and light howitzers that had been carried into the mountains and proved to be a decisive advantage. Australian forces were unprepared to conduct a campaign in the jungle environment of New Guinea. The lessons learned during the course of this campaign and the subsequent battle of Buna-Gona led to widespread changes in doctrine, training, equipment and structure, with a legacy that remains until the present day.

In consequence of the rapid Japanese advance and the perceived failure to quickly counterattack, a “crisis of command” resulted, in which manoeuvring by General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in the South West Pacific Area, and General Sir Thomas Blamey, commander of Allied Land Forces, resulted in the sackings of three high-ranking Australian officers. The generalship of MacArthur and Blamey has been criticised for unreasonable and unrealistic perceptions of the terrain and conditions under which the campaign was fought-to the detriment of the troops committed to the fighting. The Kokoda Track campaign has been mythologised as Australia’s Thermopylae and incorporated into the Anzac legend even though the premise of a vastly numerically superior enemy has since been shown to be incorrect.

https://www.history.com/news/hawaii-50th-state-1959In 1956, after John Burns was elected as Hawaii’s Democratic delegate in a Democrat-controlled Congress, he succeeded in winning the support of southern congressmen, particularly Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson and House Speaker Sam Rayburn. That proved crucial, since many so-called Dixiecrats still supported segregation and viewed Hawaii’s multi-ethnic population as incompatible with their racially homogenous vision of America.

For some, though, Hawaii’s large Asian population was seen not as an impediment. Instead, they were potentially critical intermediaries for America’s growing trade and military interests in the Far East-particularly during the Cold War, asserts historian Roger Bell, author of Last Among Equals: Hawaiian Statehood and American Politics.

On January 3, 1959, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the bill into law admitting Alaska as the 49th state. Later that same year, the Hawaii bill, ultimately helped by being uncoupled from Alaska’s bid, passed in the House by a 323 to 89 vote and in the Senate by a 76 to 15 margin. At last, 18 years after Pearl Harbor, Hawaii’s people were officially American citizens. Hawaii voters ratified statehood by an overwhelming margin of 17 to 1. https://www.history.com/news/hawaii-50th-state-1959

Address at the State Department’s Foreign Policy Conference for Educators

LYNDON B. JOHNSON
36th President of the United States: 1963 ‐ 1969

I shall speak first of our own hemisphere, then of Europe, the Soviet Union, Africa and Asia, and lastly of the two areas that concern us most at this hour–Vietnam and the Middle East.

A free Indonesia–the world’s fifth largest nation, a land of more than 100 million people–is now struggling to rebuild, to reconstruct and reform its national life. This will require the understanding and the support of the entire international community.

We maintain our dialogue with the authorities in Peking, in preparation for the day when they will be ready to live at peace with the rest of the world.

I regret that this morning I cannot report any major progress toward peace in Vietnam.

I can promise you that we have tried every possible way to bring about either discussions between the opposing sides, or a practical deescalation of the violence itself.

Thus far there has been no serious response from the other side.

Secretary Rusk, ladies and gentlemen:

I welcome the chance to share with you this morning a few reflections on American foreign policy, as I have shared my thoughts in recent weeks with representatives of labor and business, and with other leaders of our society.

During the past weekend at Camp David–where I met and talked with America’s good friend, Prime Minister Harold Holt of Australia–I thought of the General Assembly debate of the Middle East that opens today in New York.

But I thought also of the events of the past year in other continents in the world. I thought of the future–both in the Middle East, and in other areas of American interest in the world and in places that concern all of us.

So this morning I want to give you my estimate of the prospects for peace, and the hopes for progress, in these various regions of the world.

I shall speak first of our own hemisphere, then of Europe, the Soviet Union, Africa and Asia, and lastly of the two areas that concern us most at this hour–Vietnam and the Middle East.

Let me begin with the Americas.

Last April I met with my fellow American Presidents in Punta del Este. It was an encouraging experience for me, as I believe it was for the other leaders of Latin America. For they made, there at Punta del Este, the historic decision to move toward the economic integration of Latin America.

In my judgment, their decision is ‘as important as any that they have taken since they became independent more than a century and a half ago.

The men I met with know that the needs of their 220 million people require them to modernize their economies and expand their trade. I promised that I would ask our people to cooperate in those efforts, and in giving new force to our great common enterprise, which we take great pride in, the Alliance for Progress.

One meeting of chiefs of state, of course, cannot transform a continent. But where leaders are willing to face their problems candidly, and where they are ready to join in meeting them responsibly, there can be only hope for the future.

The nations of the developed world-and I am speaking now principally of the Atlantic Alliance and Japan–have in this past year, I think, made good progress in meeting their common problems and their common responsibilities.

I have met with a number of statesmen-Prime Minister Lester Pearson in Canada just a few days ago, and the leaders of Europe in Bonn shortly before that. We discussed many of the issues that we face together.

We are consulting to good effect on how to limit the spread of nuclear weapons.

We have completed the Kennedy Round of tariff negotiations, in a healthy spirit of partnership, and we are examining together the vital question of monetary reform.

We have reorganized the integrated NATO defense, with its new headquarters in Belgium.

We have reached agreement on the crucial question of maintaining allied military strength in Germany.

Finally, we have worked together-although not yet with sufficient resources-to help the less developed countries deal with their problems of hunger and overpopulation.

We have not, by any means, settled all the issues that face us, either among ourselves or with other nations. But there is less cause to lament what has not been done than to take heart from what has been done.

You know of my personal interest in improving relations between the Western World and the nations of Eastern Europe. I believe the patient course we are pursuing toward those nations is vital to the security of our Nation.

Through cultural exchanges and civil air agreements–through consular and outer space treaties–through what we hope will soon become a treaty for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, and also, if they will join us, an agreement on antiballistic missiles, we have tried hard to enlarge, and have made great progress in improving, the arena of common action with the Soviet Union.

Our purpose is to narrow our differences where they can be narrowed, and thus to help secure peace in the world for the future generations. It will be a long, slow task, we realize. There will be setbacks and discouragements. But it is, we think, the only rational policy for them and for us.

In Africa, as in Asia, we have encouraged the nations of the region in their efforts to join in cooperative attacks on the problems that each of them faces: economic stagnation, poverty, hunger, disease, and ignorance. Under Secretary Nicholas Katzenbach just reported to me last week on his recent extended trip throughout Africa. He described to me the many problems and the many opportunities that exist in that continent.

Africa is moving rapidly from the colonial past toward freedom and dignity. She is in the long and difficult travail of building nations. Her proud people are determined to make a new Africa, according to their own lights.

They are now creating institutions for .political and economic cooperation. They have set great tasks for themselves–whose accomplishments will require years of struggle and sacrifice.

We very much want that struggle to succeed, and we want to be responsive to the efforts that they are making on their own behalf.

I can give personal testimony to the new spirit that is abroad in Africa, from Under Secretary Katzenbach’s report, and then in Asia, from my own travels and experience there. In Asia my experience demonstrated to me a new spirit of confidence in that area of the world. Everywhere I traveled last autumn, from the conference in Manila to other countries of the region, I found the conviction that Asians can work with Asians to create better conditions of life in every country. Fear has now given way to hope in millions of hearts.

Asia’s immense human problems remain, of course. Not all countries have moved ahead as rapidly as Thailand, Korea, and the Republic of China. But most of them are now on a promising track, and Japan is taking a welcome role in helping her fellow Asians toward much more rapid development.

A free Indonesia–the world’s fifth largest nation, a land of more than 100 million people–is now struggling to rebuild, to reconstruct and reform its national life. This will require the understanding and the support of the entire international community.

We maintain our dialogue with the authorities in Peking, in preparation for the day when they will be ready to live at peace with the rest of the world.

I regret that this morning I cannot report any major progress toward peace in Vietnam.

I can promise you that we have tried every possible way to bring about either discussions between the opposing sides, or a practical deescalation of the violence itself.

Thus far there has been no serious response from the other side.

We are ready–and we have long been ready–to engage in a mutual deescalation of the fighting. But we cannot stop only half the war, nor can we abandon our commitment to the people of South Vietnam as long as the enemy attacks and fights on. And so long as North Vietnam attempts to seize South Vietnam by force, we must, and we will, block its efforts–so that the people of South Vietnam can determine their own future in peace.

We would very much like to see the day come–and come soon–when we can cooperate with all the nations of the region, including North Vietnam, in healing the wounds of a war that has continued, we think, for far too long. When the aggression ends, then that day will follow.

Now, finally, let me turn to the Middle East–and to the tumultuous events of the past months.

Those events have proved the wisdom of five great principles of peace in the region.

The first and the greatest principle is that every nation in the area has a fundamental right to live, and to have this right respected by its neighbors.

For the people of the Middle East, the path to hope does not lie in threats to end the life of any nation. Such threats have become a burden to the peace, not only of that region but a burden to the peace of the entire world.

In the same way, no nation would be true to the United Nations Charter, or to its own true interests, if it should permit military success to blind it to the fact that its neighbors have rights and its neighbors have interests of their own. Each nation, therefore, must accept the right of others to live.

Second, this last month, I think, shows us another basic requirement for settlement. It is a human requirement: justice for the refugees.

A new conflict has brought new homelessness. The nations of the Middle East must at last address themselves to the plight of those who have been displaced by wars. In the past, both sides have resisted the best efforts of outside mediators to restore the victims of conflict to their homes, or to find them other proper places to live and work. There will be no peace for any party in the Middle East unless this problem is attacked with new energy by all, and certainly, primarily by those who are immediately concerned.

A third lesson from this last month is that maritime rights must be respected. Our Nation has long been committed to free maritime passage through international waterways, and we, along with other nations, were taking the necessary steps to implement this principle when hostilities exploded. If a single act of folly was more responsible for this explosion than any other, I think it was the arbitrary and dangerous announced decision that the Straits of Titan would be closed. The right of innocent maritime passage must be preserved for all nations.

Fourth, this last conflict has demonstrated the danger of the Middle Eastern arms race of the last 12 years. Here the responsibility must rest not only on those in the area–but upon the larger states outside the area. We believe that scarce resources could be used much better for technical and economic development. We have always opposed this arms race, and our own military shipments to the area have consequently been severely limited.

Now the waste and futility of the arms race must be apparent to all the peoples of the world. And now there is another moment of choice. The United States of America, for its part, will use every resource of diplomacy, and every counsel of reason and prudence, to try to find a better course.

As a beginning, I should like to propose that the United Nations immediately call upon all of its members to report all shipments of all military arms into this area, and to keep those shipments on file for all the peoples of the world to observe.

Fifth, the crisis underlines the importance of respect for political independence and territorial integrity of all the states of the area. We reaffirmed that principle at the height of this crisis. We reaffirm it again today on behalf of all.

This principle can be effective in the Middle East only on the basis of peace between the parties. The nations of the region have had only fragile and violated truce lines for 20 years. What they now need are recognized boundaries and other arrangements that will give them security against terror, destruction, and war. Further, there just must be adequate recognition of the special interest of three great religions in the holy places of Jerusalem.

These five principles are not new, but we do think they are fundamental. Taken together, they point the way from uncertain armistice to durable peace. We believe there must be progress toward all of them if there is to be progress toward any.

There are some who have urged, as a single, simple solution, an immediate return to the situation as it was on June 4. As our distinguished and able Ambassador, Mr. Arthur Goldberg, has already said, this is not a prescription for peace, but for renewed hostilities.

Certainly troops must be withdrawn, but there must also be recognized rights of national life, progress in solving the refugee problem, freedom of innocent maritime passage, limitation of the arms race, and respect for political independence and territorial integrity.

But who will make this peace where all others have failed for 20 years or more?

Clearly the parties to the conflict must be the parties to the peace. Sooner or later it is they who must make a settlement in the area. It is hard to see how it is possible for nations to live together in peace if they cannot learn to reason together.

But we must still ask, who can help them? Some say it should be the United Nations; some call for the use of other parties. We have been first in our support of effective peacekeeping in the United Nations, and we also recognize the great values to come from mediation.

We are ready this morning to see any method tried, and we believe that none should be excluded altogether. Perhaps all of them will be useful and all will be needed.

So, I issue an appeal to all to adopt no rigid view on these matters. I offer assurance to all that this Government of ours, the Government of the United States, will do its part for peace in every forum, at every level, at every hour.

Yet there is no escape from this fact: The main responsibility for the peace of the region depends upon its own peoples and its own leaders of that region. What will be truly decisive in the Middle East will be what is said and what is done by those who live in the Middle East.

They can seek another arms race, if they have not profited from the experience of this one, if they want to. But they will seek it at a terrible cost to their own people-and to their very long-neglected human needs. They can live on a diet of hate-though only at the cost of hatred in return. Or they can move toward peace with one another.

The world this morning is watching, watching for the peace of the world, because that is really what is at stake. It will look for patience and justice, it will look for humility and moral courage. It will look for signs of movement from prejudice and the emotional chaos of conflict to the gradual, slow shaping steps that lead to learning to live together and learning to help mold and shape peace in the area and in the world.

The Middle East is rich in history, rich in its people and its resources. It has no need to live in permanent civil war. It has the power to build its own life, as one of the prosperous regions of the world in which we live.

If the nations of the Middle East will turn toward the works of peace, they can count with confidence upon the friendship, and the help, of all the people of the United States of America.

In a climate of peace, we here will do our full share to help with a solution for the refugees. We here will do our full share in support of regional cooperation. We here will do our share, and do more, to see that the peaceful promise of nuclear energy is applied to the critical problems of desalting water and helping to make the deserts bloom.

Our country is committed–and we here reiterate that commitment today–to a peace that is based on five principles:

–first, the recognized right of national life;

–second, justice for the refugees;

–third, innocent maritime passage;

–fourth, limits on the wasteful and destructive arms race; and

–fifth, political independence and territorial integrity for all.

This is a time not for malice, but for magnanimity; not for propaganda, but for patience; not for vituperation, but for vision.

On the basis of peace, we offer our help to the people of the Middle East. That land, known to every one of us since childhood as the birthplace of great religions and learning, can flourish once again in our time. We here in the United States shall do all in our power to help make it so.

Thank you and good morning.

Note: The President spoke at 9:31 a.m. in the West Auditorium at the Department of State building in Washington. In his opening words he referred to Dean Rusk, Secretary of State.

On June 28, 1967, the White House issued a statement on the status of Jerusalem, the text of which follows:

The President said on June 19 that in our view “there must be adequate recognition of the special interest of three great religions in the holy places of Jerusalem.” On this principle he assumes that before any unilateral action is taken on the status of Jerusalem there will be appropriate consultation with religious leaders and others who are deeply concerned. Jerusalem is holy to Christians, to Jews, and to Moslems. It is one of the great continuing tragedies of history that a city which is so much the center of man’s highest values has also been, over and over, a center of conflict. Repeatedly the passionate beliefs of one element have led to exclusion or unfairness for others. It has been so, unfortunately, in the last 20 years. Men of all religions will agree that we must now do better. The world must find an answer that is fair and recognized to be fair. That could not be achieved by hasty unilateral action, and the President is confident that the wisdom and good judgment of those now in control of Jerusalem will prevent any such action.

LBJ

Lyndon B. Johnson’s tenure as the 36th president of the United States began on November 22, 1963, upon the assassination of president John F. Kennedy, and ended on January 20, 1969. He had been vice president for 1,036 days when he succeeded to the presidency. Johnson, a Democrat from Texas, ran for and won a full four-year term in the 1964 presidential election, in which he defeated Republican nominee Barry Goldwater in a landslide. Johnson did not run for a second full term in the 1968 presidential election because of his low popularity. He was succeeded by Republican Richard Nixon. His presidency marked the high tide of modern liberalism in the 20th century United States. – So says Wikipedia

This must be viewed in the context of Nixon Indonesia 1958

The National Security Council under Eisenhowere was run by Richard Nixon who was then V.P. and they had set in motion (along with Great Britain) the Marshall Plan for the Post WWII world. In that plan-making was Joseph Kennedy Sr. who cooperated with the Ford Foundation, East-West-Center and others in CIA front group activities that would support the plan for Indonesia. Cuba and other countries had succeeded or would be attempted (Guatamla, Iran, Cuba,) but Indonesia was a area of focus too.

The war was on.

On Feb. 9, 1958, rebel Colonel Maluddin Simbolon issued an ultimatum in the name of a provincial government, the Central Sumatran Revolutionary Council, calling for the formation of a new central government. Sukarno refused and called upon his loyal army commander, General Abdul Haris Nasution, to destroy the rebel forces. By Feb. 21 loyal forces had been airlifted to Sumatra and had begun the attack. The rebel headquarters was in the southern coastal city of Padang. Rebel strongholds stretched all the way to Medan, near the northern end of the island and not far from Malaysia.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

The rebellion flared sporadically from one end of Indonesia to the other.

While the CIA was supporting up to 100,000 rebels, the State Department professed innocence. The U.S. ambassador, Howard P. Jones, maintained that the United States had nothing to do with the rebellion and he protested the capture of the American oil properties. On the other hand, Sukarno had asked for more arms aid from the United States. He must have had strong suspicions about the source of rebel support. The vast number of guns, the bombers and heavy air transport aircraft dropping hundreds of tons of arms and equipment, as well as submarines supporting beach operations were just too sophisticated to be anything but major power ploys. Thus, his appeal for U.S. arms aid had the ring of gamesmanship.

Playing along with the game, John Foster Dulles issued a statement saying that the United States would not provide arms to either side. And while he was publishing that falsehood, the United States furnished and piloted B-26 bombers, and these were bombing shipping in the Makassar Straits. Some had even flown as far south as the Java Sea. Almost immediately all insurance rates on shipping to and from Indonesia went on a wartime scale and costs became so prohibitive that most shipping actually ceased. The bombing attacks, kept so quiet in the United States that they hardly made the news, were being viewed with great alarm by the rest of the world. What was “Top Secret” in Washington was barroom gossip in the capitals of the world.

While Wisner communicated with Washington clandestinely, anyone in the bar at the Raffles Hotel in Singapore, in the Peninsula Hotel in Kowloon, or even on the streets of Istanbul, could learn all about the “American CIA attack” on Sukarno.

The CIA was demanding so much support for its far-flung operations that a top-level committee was established in the Pentagon. Its purpose was to keep track of how much war equipment was being requested and sent to Indonesia. Not unlike the Lemnitzer-Shoup rifle problem, there were problems in the Pentagon because of the way the CIA requested equipment through phony “military” cover channels.

Early in this operation I had put some men from my office into the air-combat section in the Philippines, and the Air Force was reasonably well aware of what was going on. But that was not so for the other services. At the time, Admiral Arleigh Burke was the Chief of Naval Operations. He went one step further than we did. At the height of the rebel operations, Burke sent his Chief of Naval Intelligence, Admiral Luther Frost, to Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital, where he stayed for several months carrying on a delicate relationship with the American ambassador and with the Indonesian naval chiefs. This, while U.S. Navy submarines were aiding the rebels south of Sumatra. It turned out to have been a masterful gambit because later, when the rebellion collapsed, the U.S. Navy was able to declare innocence. The Air Force was not so fortunate.

The pretense that the U.S. Government was in no way involved in this massive civil war against Sukarno was wearing thin. It was a reasonable cover as long as the United States could plausibly deny its role in the action. But one day, a lone B-26 out of the rebel CIA base at Menado, flying low over the Straits of Makassar, came upon an Indonesian ship – an ideal target. The pilot banked to take a good run at the ship and began strafing it with those eight lethal .50-caliber machine guns. He was committed to the attack before he found out that the freighter was armed. The B-26 was hit and it ditched near the ship. The pilot, an American named Allan Lawrence Pope, was picked up. Pope was identified as a former U.S. Air Force pilot. The cork was out of the bottle. Sukarno had his proof of U.S. involvement and he played his ace card for an international audience. That one plane and that one pilot cost the U.S. Government tens of millions of dollars in ransom and tribute during the next several years.

After the capture of Pope the rebellion rapidly fell apart. Loyal forces captured Donggala in central Celebes. And on far away Halmahera, government forces captured Jailolo. That ended all opposition except for the CIA-rebel air base at Menado. With the rebellion all but crushed, except for the continued existence of the main CIA force, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles ended the embargo of arms to Sukarno and agreed to send aid to the government of Indonesia! What wondrous duplicity! And Sukarno was not fooled. His forces had been fighting a major civil war inspired and clandestinely supported by the United States, while concurrently the overt branches of the U.S. Government acted as though nothing at all had happened.

By the end of June 1958 it was all over. Then a very strange and rare (rare in terms of normal bureaucracy) thing happened. During the months of this operation it had been my custom to visit the CIA special operations center.

One morning I caught the unmarked, dull-green CIA shuttle bus at the Pentagon and rode to the operations center. I went in. Not a soul was there. The place had been cleaned out. Office after office was absolutely bare. Finally I found one secretary. She was sitting in a straight-back chair and her telephone was on the floor. There were tears in her eyes. She took a call from time to time and gave guarded answers about the former members of that huge staff. The entire section had been scattered to the four corners of the world. A large number of top-level, experienced, clandestine agents and operators had vanished. It took our Air Force office, skilled as we were in the ways of the CIA, months to find some of them again.

Then we began to piece together what had happened. With the collapse of such a major effort and with the inability of the Government to deny plausibly before the world its role in the whole sordid affair, blame had to be placed somewhere. In an unprecedented action, Nixon had summarily fired Frank Wisner, along with some others. But Frank Wisner, a longtime OSS and CIA man, was a key intelligence officer. Few knew enough about his career to realize that he was senior, by far, to Helms and Colby. Clearly, he was Allen Dulles’ heir apparent.

When the OSS had been deactivated after World War II by President Truman, it was Wisner who had kept a tight-knit band of professionals together. This small cadre kept valuable OSS records and, more importantly, they had maintained the delicate lines of communication with agents, spies, and underground personnel in Eastern Europe, Russia, and Germany. They held this fragile web together. Without them hundreds of people might have been killed and priceless assets destroyed. And Frank Wisner suddenly, almost whimsically, had been fired.

To a man, the Agency was aroused by this action. Rightly or wrongly, they hated Nixon for this. I remember being at meetings during which the name of Nixon would be mentioned and I have seen CIA men bristle and redden as though someone had let a poisonous snake loose in the room. Some vowed he would never become President.

Meanwhile the Agency moved to pull itself together. That one deft bloodbath appeared to end things. There was no Board of Inquiry as there was after the Bay of Pigs. And, remarkably, there was no public outcry as there would be a few years later after the U-2 scandal. The agency was busy sweeping things under the rug.

Meanwhile those special B-26s were all flown back to the States and based at Elgin Air Force Base in Flonda. That was late in 1958. By 1959 they began to stir again. A man named Castro had come to power in Cuba. During those fateful days in April 1961 it was those same B-26s that the CIA used to attack Cuba.

Much of the CIA planning setup by the military industrial complex that included United Fruit Company, the Ford Foundation, the East-West-Center of Hawaii, various banks and diplotic groups, were underway. JFK had campaigned against Robber Barron exploitation of under-developed countries and chided Nixon for what was summarized as a Nixon secret plan to win the war. When JFK became president and inherited that secret plan he was going to reveal it to the public.

What few realized is that the over-powerful position in the Executive Branch what wielded the swamp oF CIA owned companies and illegal activities was the Vice President presiding over the National Security Council to which the espionage agencies and cover operations took instructions from. When Joseph Kennedy Sr. saw his son JFK rise to the presidency he might have had a role in selecting Senator Lyndon Baines Johnson as the JFK V.P. LBJ as the new NSC Chair would continue the programs that JFK resented including in Indonesia. The assassination of JFK continued LBJ and his plans for Vietnam, Indonesia, and other countries back into action and when Robert F. Kennedy was assassinate and Richard Nixon was elected that entire MK-Ultra plan had continuity except for the short period from 1962 to 1963 JFK began to oppose it while also fearing assassination for doing so.

It is my belief the OSS CIA plans of Donald Barr and others including a falsified backstory of the origins of Barrack Obama Jr. and interviewed into this story and Los Angeles and Inglewood were likely an un-found birth certificate was at one time, one possible one for use like the one in Indonesia now either not found or found to be false. The one I suspect is 022-46-3234 which would be right next to my own birth in time and place.

I am moving on to read yet again Roger Stone book The Case Against LBJ.

https://www.reddit.com/r/history/comments/g2u54t/in_cold_war_history_shouldnt_lbjs_policy_to/ retrieved from https://www.reddit.com/r/history/comments/g2u54t/in_cold_war_history_shouldnt_lbjs_policy_to/ and copied or modified to here

The first inauguration of Lyndon B. Johnson as the 36th president of the United States was held on Friday, November 22, 1963, aboard Air Force One at Dallas Love Field, following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy earlier that day.

In the 1960s Lyndon Johnson was president in the aftermath of the Kennedy Assassination. He is largely remembered for his support of the Civil Rights movement domestically, and his initiation of the Vietnam War in the history of the Cold War.

As a result, other areas of Lyndon Johnson’s foreign policy as American president during the Cold War have largely gone ignored. One area is Indonesia. Indonesia in the 50s and 60s had a socialist anti-colonial government under the leadership of Sukarno. The United States had tense relations with him and these tensions were exacerbated in the context of the Vietnam War.

In 1965 the army, under the leadership of General Suharto initiated a takeover of Indonesia, and in the process initiated a process that has become known as the 1965 tragedy in Indonesia. Under the guise of targeting suspected communists, up to 500,000 people were killed in an act that is now recognized as genocide in many circles. The United States’s role in this included the U.S embassy in Jakarta providing lists of suspected communists(5000), the CIA engaging in what was called “black propaganda operations” by using radio broadcasts to amplify Suharto’s propaganda around the killings as well as a systematic cover-up in media reporting at this time.

His administration has received a lot of critical scrutiny over it’s role in Vietnam, but yet this aspect of the Cold War and the U.S’s role has largely gone ignored despite it being listed as one of the worst mass killings of the 20th century.

End of quote

Happy East-West Center Day! Sixty years ago, on May 14, 1960, the East-West Center was formally established by an act of Congress, spearheaded by Hawai‘i’s territorial congressional representative John A. Burns and then-Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson. In signing the legislation, President Dwight Eisenhower said, “I am quite sure [the East-West Center] will be one mechanism through which the friendly states bordering the Pacific Ocean will be brought closer together.

EWC groundbreaking ceremony, May 9, 1961. Left to right: University of Hawaii at Manoa President Laurence Snyder, UH Board of Regents Chairman Herbert Cornuelle, first Center chief executive Murray Turnbull, future Hawai‘i Gov. John A. Burns, then-Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson.

United States Senator from Texas – In office January 3, 1949 – January 3, 1961

37th Vice President of the United States – In office January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963

36th President of the United States In office November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969

EWC groundbreaking ceremony, May 1961. Left to right: University of Hawai‘i President Laurence Snyder, UH Board of Regents Chairman Herbert Cornuelle, first Center chief executive Murray Turnbull, future Hawaii Gov. John A. Burns, then-Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson. Photo courtesy of The Honolulu Advertiser.

The East-West Center was established by the United States Congress in 1960 as a national educational institution to foster better relations and understanding among the peoples of the United States, Asia, and the Pacific islands through programs of cooperative study, training, and research.

Lyndon B. Johnson retrieved from Wikipedia and copied or modified to here

Johnson as a lieutenant commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve in March 1942

Active military duty (1941-1942)

For the Indonesian region, see Western New Guinea. For the Nicaraguan municipality, see Nueva Guinea. For other uses, see Guinea (disambiguation).

Johnson was appointed a lieutenant commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve on June 21, 1940. While serving as a U.S. representative, he was called to active duty three days after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. His first orders were to report to the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations in Washington, D.C., for instruction and training.[46] Following his training, Johnson asked Undersecretary of the Navy James Forrestal for a job in Washington, D.C. He was instead sent to inspect shipyard facilities in Texas and on the West Coast. In the spring of 1942, President Roosevelt decided he needed better information on conditions in the Southwest Pacific, and wanted a trusted political ally to obtain it. Forrestal suggested Johnson. Roosevelt assigned Johnson to a three-man survey team covering the Southwest Pacific.[47]

Johnson reported to General Douglas MacArthur in Australia. Johnson and two U.S. Army officers went to the 22nd Bomb Group base, which was assigned the high-risk mission of bombing the Japanese airbase at Lae in New Guinea. On June 9, 1942, Johnson volunteered as an observer for an airstrike on New Guinea. Reports vary on what happened to the aircraft carrying Johnson during that mission. MacArthur recommended Johnson for the Silver Star for gallantry in action;[48] the citation indicated that the mission came under attack and Johnson’s aircraft experienced mechanical problems, forcing it to turn back before reaching its objective.[49] Others claim that the aircraft turned back because of generator trouble before encountering enemy aircraft and never came under fire, an account that is supported by the aircraft’s official flight records.[49][48] Other airplanes that continued came under fire near the target about the same time Johnson’s plane was recorded as having landed back at the original airbase.[49] Johnson’s biographer Robert Caro was quoted as saying “I think that the weight of the evidence at this moment is that the plane was attacked by Zeroes and that he was cool under fire”,[49] but also “The fact is, LBJ never got within sight of Japanese forces. His combat experience was a myth.”[50]

Johnson used a movie camera to record conditions,[51] and reported to Roosevelt, Navy leaders, and Congress that conditions were deplorable and unacceptable. Some historians have suggested this was in exchange for MacArthur’s recommendation to award the Silver Star.[48] He argued that the southwest Pacific urgently needed a higher priority and a larger share of war supplies. Warplanes that were sent there were “far inferior” to Japanese planes, and U.S. Navy morale there was poor. Johnson told Forrestal that the Pacific Fleet had a “critical” need for 6,800 additional experienced men. Johnson prepared a twelve-point program to upgrade the effort in the region, stressing “greater cooperation and coordination within the various commands and between the different war theaters”. Congress responded by making Johnson chairman of a high-powered subcommittee of the Naval Affairs Committee,[52] with a mission similar to that of the Truman Committee in the Senate. He probed the peacetime “business as usual” inefficiencies that permeated the naval war and demanded that admirals get the job done. Johnson went too far when he proposed a bill that would crack down on the draft exemptions of shipyard workers if they were absent from work too often; organized labor blocked the bill and denounced him. Johnson’s biographer Robert Dallek concludes, “The mission was a temporary exposure to danger calculated to satisfy Johnson’s personal and political wishes, but it also represented a genuine effort on his part, however misplaced, to improve the lot of America’s fighting men.”[53]

In addition to the Silver Star, Johnson received the American Campaign Medal, Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal, and the World War II Victory Medal. He was discharged from active duty on July 17, 1942, but remained in the Navy Reserve, where he was promoted to commander on October 19, 1949, effective June 2, 1948. He resigned from the Navy Reserve effective January 18, 1964.[54]

The Kennedy Assassination: what really happened: The Oswald letter, JFK archive releases, and a deathbed confession implicating President Johnson in the murder

Jerome A. Kroth (Author)

Professor Kroth decodes a mysterious letter written to a “Mr. Hunt” by Lee Harvey Oswald sixteen days before Oswald was murdered. Oswald’s dyslexia provides a final clue to the actual events surrounding the assassination.. This leads us to Howard Hunt and his dramatic deathbed confession implicating LBJ in the murder. In addition Trump’s dramatic disclosure of over 50,000 secret JFK files in 2017-18, plus more documents disclosed in 2021, changes our understanding of virtually everything. In late 2022, 13,000 more documents were let go, and these too have been sifted and sorted here. All of the releases together are absolutely revelatory.

Publisher reviews follow: “These documents, as he says, over 80 of them, blew me away. I’ll never believe the Warren Commission was anything but a whitewash. Johnson did it through the CIA and the Mafia. No doubt in my mind it was a coup d’etat.” -M.S. Forrest, Ph.D

The Man Who Killed Kennedy: The Case Against LBJ

Image

Stone, Roger J. On Kindle

From the mind of legendary political insider Roger Stone, here is the sensational New York Times bestseller that reveals the truth about who was behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

From the mind of consummate political insider Roger Stone, unofficial adviser to Donald Trump and subject of the documentary Get Me Roger Stone, comes a compelling case that Lyndon Baines Johnson had the motive, means, and opportunity to orchestrate the murder of JFK.

Stone maps out the case that LBJ blackmailed his way on the ticket in 1960 and was being dumped in 1964 to face prosecution for corruption at the hands of his nemesis attorney Robert Kennedy. Stone uses fingerprint evidence and testimony to prove JFK was shot by a long-time LBJ hit man-not Lee Harvey Oswald.

President Johnson would use power from his personal connections in Texas, from the criminal underworld, and from the United States government to escape an untimely end in politics and to seize even greater power. President Johnson, the thirty-sixth president of the United States, was the driving force behind a conspiracy to murder President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. In The Man Who Killed Kennedy, you will find out how and why he did it.

Legendary political operative and strategist Roger Stone has gathered documents and uses his firsthand knowledge to construct the ultimate tome to prove that LBJ was not only involved in JFK’s assassination, but was in fact the mastermind.

The War State: The Cold War Origins Of The Military-Industrial Complex And The Power Elite, 1945-1963

Michael Swanson on Kindle (unlimited)

Today when you factor in the interest on the national debt from past wars and total defense expenditures the United States spends almost 40% of its federal budget on the military. It accounts for over 46% of total world arms spending. Before World War II it spent almost nothing on defense and hardly anyone paid any income taxes. You can’t have big wars without big government. Such big expenditures are now threatening to harm the national economy. How did this situation come to be?

In this book you’ll learn how in the critical twenty years after World War II the United States changed from being a continental democratic republic to a global imperial superpower. Since then nothing has ever been the same again. In this book you will discover this secret history of the United States that formed the basis of the world we live in today.

By buying this book you will discover:

  • How the end of European colonialism created a power vacuum that the United States used to create a new type of world empire backed by the most powerful military force in human history.
  • Why the Central Intelligence Agency was created and used to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations when the United States Constitution had no mechanism for such imperial activities.
  • [Ed Donegan’s book series adds my own family history and collected information available LBJ assassinated JFK to keep an Indoensia plot involving Barrack Obama Jr. under a faslified identity in progress before JFK revealed it.]
Would the military really go so far as to overthrow a president of the United States? On the surface, that seems like a far-fetched notion, but you have to remember this was the height of the Cold War.

In 1962 a best-selling book came out titled Seven Days in May
that postulated just such a scenario. Kennedy read it, and when asked if it could happen, he replied,

“It’s possible, but the conditions would have to be just right. If the country had a young President, and he had hay of Pigs, there would be a certain uneasiness. Maybe the military would do a little criticizing behind his back. Then if there were another Bay of Pigs, the reaction of the country would be, ‘Is he too young and inexperienced?’ The military would almost feel that it was their patriotic obligation to stand ready to preserve the integrity of the nation and only God knows just what segment of Democracy they would be defending. Then if there were a third Bay of Pigs itcould happen. It won’t happen on my watch.”

After the meeting, Kennedy met with his brother and some of his closest associates to go over the discussion he had just had with Ike. He said he was amazed at how calm Eisenhower seemed as he talked about nuclear war. He thought there was almost something frightening about it.

Kennedy himself was scared of nuclear war and worried over the possibility that one could start due to a miscalculation on the part of the Soviet Union or the United States. The new president would soon recommend to some of his advisers that they read the best-selling Barbara Tuchman book The Guns of August that chronicled the beginning of World War I. It described the start of that war as an almost automatic process in which once one switch was triggered, the war could not be stopped.

In talks with people, Kennedy would recall a passage from the book in which two German leaders talked about the war: “How did it all happen?” one asked. The other answered, “Ah, if one only knew.” Now an accidental war or one sparked by some crazy incident could mean the end of life as we know it. Kennedy had the book placed in every single Officers’ Club

Several members of the Joint Chiefs of Staffthought that Kennedy actually dropped the ball on the Cuban Missile Crisis. According to
Daniel Ellsberg, who served in a working staff for the EXCOMM group under Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, “after Khrushchev had agreed to remove the missiles, President Kennedy invited the Chiefs to the White House so that he could thank them for their support during the crisis, and there was one hell of a scene.

LeMay (chief of staff of the air force) came out saying, ‘We lost! We ought to just go in there today and knock ’em John Frankenheimer adapted a Rod Serling, of Twilight Zone fame, script for Seven Days of May into a movie production. Kirk Douglas and Burt Lancaster played the leading roles. The military brass did not want the picture made and wouldn’t allow the movie crew to go inside the Pentagon, but Kennedy was personally thrilled with the idea and left Washington one weekend for his home in Hyannis Portso that they could film in the White House. The movie ends with a speech by the president giving a defense of the US Constitution that today sounds overly sentimental, because most people do not have the faith and trust in the government that they did back then.

The subject of another book by Rodney Stich called Disavow, Rewald had a dark secret. He was just a front man for the CIA, an informant since college when he
began spying on “subversive” organizations like the SDS (Students for a Democratic
Society) during the late 1960’s and 70’s.

Later as chairman of BBRDWBishop, Baldwin, Rewald Dillingham and Wong
— a Hawaii-based CIA front masquerading as a worldwide investment company,
Rewald thought he had nothing to fear. But then came the setup and the fall. Today
after spending ten years in prison as the fall guy for the CIA, Rewald is reportedly
still in denial.

According to Stich, BBRDW was a CIA proprietary, a company wholly owned by
CIA operatives, started, operated and funded by the CIA in 1979 using many of the
same high level people that had staffed Nugan Hand Bank.

Nugan Hand was the infamous Australia-based money laundry used by CIA to
disburse Southeast Asian drug revenues.

In a chapter of Defrauding America, Stich writes that “the CIA used BBRDW as an international investment company cover with 120 employees staffing offices in 16
countries including Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Taiwan, New Zealand, Singapore,
London, Paris, Stockholm, Brazil and Chile. CIA personnel opened and operated
these far flung offices.”

When his cover was blown by a Honolulu reporter, Rewald never saw it coming.
Since he’d been working for the CIA since his college days, he just naturally
assumed that the CIA takes care of its own. Rewald was wrong.

“Disavowed” by the way, means “once your cover is blown, pal, you’re on your own.”

The book Disavow by Rodney Stich and T. Conan Russell should be required
reading for anyone who’s even thinking about working for the so-called “intelligence” agencies — CIA, DIA, NSA, FBI, ONI, etc.

Just as there is no honor among thieves, there is even less among “spooks” — the
double-dealing spies of the world.

With the planning for Indonesia already underway in 1957 and 1958 activities a key part of Pacific Ilsand planning is built by Sentorial bill sponsor Lyndon Baines Johnson. While JFK was opposed to interference with sovereign nations Senator Johnson and Senator Prescott Bush of Texas were participants in the CIA planning much of it funded by oil money rather than US Budget. That oil money hired “free lancers” to work for the CIA, FBI, and others in Operation 40

Wayne Madsen is a Revealer

The Kennedy Adminstration will inherit a take-overs scheme to control other countries. JFK opposed this in Congress as a Senatory and as a US President. He calls for an end to the programs and plans to reveal them following the Bay of Pigs.

Summery: the CIA Station Chief at Hawaii was working for Howard Hunt, the NSA, others, created Obama, and killed JFK.

This included CIA hopes from the 1950’s they could place in Indonesia covertly backed families in locations like Kenya and Indonesia and Obama Jr. was tied to politics in both nations as part of a CIA plan now being declassified in greater levels of detail.

Sargent Shriver, director of the Peace Corps,(center) and U.S. President John F. Kennedy (right) at the White House as part of that administration.

The Peace Corps, USIAD agriculural programs, the East West Center and the Anglican Church and Vatican were willing to allow and assist covert operations in nations under Communist or Nazi threat.

,

Looking at the picture again a Nixon oil and gold and Banana Republic plan for Indonesia by all accounts was underway. The CIA was operation behind front groups around the world for MKULTRA and the East West Center in Hawaii was to be a part of it all. US Senator LBJ co-wrote the legislation for the East West Center and broke ground with a shovel beginning the construction of the center. But it was exactly the kind of plans Great Brittian had used WASPS still liked and JFK opposed.

The Central Intelligence Agency while likely not the only influence or maybe not even the dominant influence did influence Lyndon B. Johson then a US Senator with Senator Prescott Bush and the influential Walker and Rockefeller families working with the Rockefeller Oil interests to form world-wide plans. This Bush-Johnson oil world plan crossed the political isle and included bipartisan planning for Indonesia and sleepers inserted into it and select leaders from Indonesia backed by the CIA. I Edward Paul Donegan assert his was under Vice President Nixon National Security Council started in 1958 per Col Prouty and geared up under Senator Lyndon Johnson of Texas in 1959 that included the East West Center and other resources.

Indonesia 1958: Nixon, the CIA, and the Secret [covert] War
By L. Fletcher Prouty https://ratical.org/ratville/JFK/Indo58.html

Robert Abercrombie Lovett was the fourth United States Secretary of Defense, having been promoted to this position from Deputy Secretary of Defense. He served in the cabinet of President Harry S. Truman from 1951 to 1953 and in this capacity, directed the Korean War. Wikipedia

Dean Rusk was a close associate and Secretary of State under JFK, taking over as John Foster Dulles of Eisenhower Nixon had died of cancer, and Allen Dulles continued into the JFK admin as CIA director.

I assert Rusk knew of the arrival of GLorian Donegan (Gainey) in North Carolina and was aware of other underground railroad identities Jen Moore was disclosing as she was assassinated.

Allen Dulles 5th Director of Central Intelligence
In office
February 26, 1953 – November 29, 1961
President Dwight D. Eisenhower
John F. Kennedy
Deputy Charles P. Cabell
Preceded by Walter Bedell Smith

In 1959 Richard Nixon [Whitehouse internal Library Meetings with Rockefeller Standard Oil about Mid East North Africa MENA) was approaching oilmen like George Walker Bush and Jack Crichton to help fund Operation 40. We also have the claim of Frank Sturgis that “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents.*

Investigative Journalist: Obama Grandparents CIA Connections; Bogus Harvard Certificate

Grandma “Toot’s” Hawaiian banking intrigue Via Helen Tansey | T-Room.us

By Wayne Madsen Wayne Madsen Report dot com

President Obama’s grandmother, Madelyn Payne Dunham, the woman who actually raised the future President of the United States, served as the vice president and chief escrow account officer for the bank of Hawaii at an interesting time for the CIA’s murky operations in the 50th state. Dunham retired from the Bank of Hawaii in 1986 but not before a massive financial network was exposed in 1983 as a result of the financial failure and Internal Revenue Service investigation of a major CIA proprietary headquartered in Honolulu, Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong (BBRDW), the Bishop being a member of one of Hawaii’s landed gentry families and one that both Madelyn Dunham and her husband Stanley, as well as their daughter, Stanley Ann, had past interactions.

New York businessman Charles Reed Bishop married Bernice Pauahi Paki of the royal House of Kamehameha in 1850. Their descendants would play a major role in Hawaii to the present day. Charles Bishop, through the Bishop Trust, built a number of buildings at the elite Punahou School, where Obama attended. The Bishop Trust also funded the Bishop Museum for whom Obama’s mother briefly worked as a Javanese history specialist.

For an agency that disavowed any connection to BBRDW, the CIA curiously maintains detailed files on the failed corporation that was involved, according to the editor’s book, The Manufacturing of a President, in making pay-offs to Asian dictators who were allies of the United States. These payments were made via the escrow accounts overseen at the Bank of Hawaii by Obama’s grandmother [who died and then burst into flames when alone with Barrack Obama on election night eve 2008.]

Among the CIA files is an obscure article on BBRDW written by John Kelly for the June-August 1984 issue of CounterSpy, a now-defunct magazine. BBRDW was an investment advisory firm on the surface but underneath its charade, it was a facilitator for various CIA clandestine operations.

Although the CIA vehemently denied that BBRDW belonged to them, One of the company’s consultants and investors was John “Jack” Kindschi, the former CIA station chief in Hawaii who previously served in clandestine positions in Stockholm and Mexico City. More interesting, Kindschi’s cover in Mexico City was the Robert Mullin Company, a public relations firm that employed one E. Howard Hunt, who would later emerge as one of conspirators in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

Kindschi would most certainly have been known to Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and CIA veterans Stanley and Madelyn Dunham who arrived in Hawaii from Seattle just as Hawaii became a state in 1960. The CIA had cleverly provided Stanley cover as a “furniture salesman.” In fact, Pratt Furniture of Honolulu, Dunham’s alleged employer, never existed save for a filing in the business records held by the State of Hawaii.

When BBRDW founder Ron Rewald, CIA code name “WINTERDOG” and “R,” attempted to commit suicide in a room at the Waikiki Sheraton in 1983, after BBRDW’s financial collapse, the CIA’s “plausible denial” machine went into full gear. CIA general counsel Robert Laprade stated in a sworn statement:

“the CIA did not cause Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham & Wong to be created nor has the agency at any time owned, operated, controlled or invested in Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham, Wong.”

End of the story?

Not quite.

While denying any CIA connection to BBRDW, Laprade asked that defense documents filed by Rewald in the government’s fraud case against the firm be sealed. Not only did U.S. Judge Martin Spence seal all the defense documents but he ordered sealed all documents mentioning the CIA and all attorneys, parties, and their agents were placed under a court gag order. Not coincidentally, one of the federal prosecutors, John Peyton, previously worked for the CIA’s general counsel’s office.

Rewald’s court affidavit stated that BBRDW was used by the CIA to “shelter monies of highly placed foreign diplomats and businessmen, who wished to ‘export’ cash to the United States, where it would be available to them in the event of emergency.” The CIA’s man in Cambodia, Marshal Lon Nol, availed himself of the accounts after he fled Cambodia to Hawaii after the takeover by the Khmer Rouge. Rewald bought a house form Lon Nol in Hawaii, an address that was later used for CIA cover companies.

The accounts held by BBRDW for foreign officials were held in “negotiable securities, wire transfers, or checks, many from the Chase Manhattan Bank.” Chase Manhattan was owned by David Rockefeller.

The Kelly article refers to letters between Kindschi and CIA agent Charles T. Connor that confirmed that BBRDW was providing such financial shelter for foreign officials, not just those in Asia but around the world. One letter from Connor to Kindschi stated that BBRDW provided a scheme for Greek elites to circumvent stringent Greek foreign exchange controls by investing in BBRDW. A CIA intermediary in Greece is named in the letter: Dino Goulos. Dino did not help the CIA because of his love for the agency. The letter states: “ … if Dino can find investment friends seeking safe haven in dollar denominated investments with BBRD&W, we would be able to pay him a ‘finders fee’ of up to 5 percent …”

In other cases, BBRDW used joint business ventures to cultivate contacts with organizations such as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). At the same time that Barack Obama was working for the CIA’s premier corporate liaison and contact-development firm, Business International Corporation of New York, BBRDW had signed on as joint venture partners billionaire Philippines banker Enrique Zobel, Sultan of Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah, Crown Prince Saud Mohammed of the United Arab Emirates, and wealthy Indonesian businessmen Indri Gautama.

These four provided critical oil price intelligence to the CIA, particularly to major oil investor Bill Casey, the director.

BBRDW established the Hawaiian-Arabian Investment Company and U.S. & United Arab Emirates Investment Company with Saud Mohammed and Gautama and the Ayala-Hawaiian Corporation with Zobel. Zobel, who founded the Ayala Corporation in 1983, was a member of the influential and wealthy Ayala family of the Philippines. All were registered with the State of Hawaii and were as phony as Obama’s grandfather’s furniture company.

The Honolulu Star-Advertiser spiked a story by reporter Charles Memminger on Zobel’s ties to the CIA operation. The reason was that Zobel was part of the oligarchical opposition opposed to President Ferdinand Marcos, an opposition that was being groomed by the CIA. The CIA did not want Zobel and his allies burned. Eventually, Marcos, like Lon Nol before him, would flee to Hawaii in 1986 after being ousted. With Marcos came his massive wealth, much of it deposited in Hawaiian banks, including Grandma Toot’s Bank of Hawaii, as the result of wire transfers from the Philippines National Bank.

Before Zobel broke with Marcos, the Philippines businessman helped arrange for BBRDW to obtain information on the purchase of two Hawaii estates by Marcos in 1977 and 1980. The first was an estate at 2338 Maikiki Heights Drive in Honolulu and the second was the Helen Knudsen estate, across the street from the first purchased estate.

Rewald was also a sleuth for the CIA. Court exhibits included information on Rewald filing a report to Langley with Tokyo CIA station chief Eugene Welsch. Rewald obtained the blueprints for Japan Airlines’ top secret High Speed Surface Transport (HSST). Rewald was said to have obtained the prints from a BBRDW’s client’s son who worked for the Japanese Ministry of Railroads. BBRDW also was involved with a covert CIA funding contrivance in Japan called T&B International Co., Ltd.

… … … … … … … … … … … … … … …

Sources: T-Room.us. www.WayneMadsenReport.com

iew the complete Birther Report presentation at:

https://www.voltairenet.org/article189895.html

https://www.voltairenet.org/article189895.html

More NSC 5412 activity under Vice President Nixon, Prouty, The Dulles Brothers, Angleton, Rockefeller’s, and others

Wayne Madsen (journalist)

Ed Donegan peaces together many world espionage agency leaks and speculation the Saudies built Barrack Obama Jr as part of a CIA plot for control of the world via CIA backed leaders.

Jaded Tasks: Brass Plates, Black Ops & Big Oil―The Blood Politics of George Bush & Co.

Ed Donegan traces it before Bush 1960s to Richard Nixon Alan Dulles 1953 Cold War secret plans, and deeper to 1902 British plans to expand the ruling genetic base and regain Emperial control of the world offered a theory of less war.

Select Books
America’s Nightmare: The Presidency of George Bush II : It is said that the truth hurts, yet the truth will set you free. John Stanton and Wayne and Wayne Madsen deliver the story about America’s Media and Language, War and Weapons, Internal Affairs and a variety of other issues pointing out the US crisis without precedent that was wrought by the US Presidential election of 2000 followed by 9/11

Jaded Tasks: Brass Plates, Black Ops & Big Oil―The Blood Politics of George Bush & Co. : This investigative account details how America’s economic and intelligence associations with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan led to the devastating September 11 attacks and illustrates the role that private military companies are playing in George W. Bush’s “new world order.” Based on personal interviews, never-before-published classified documents, and extensive research, this examination details the criminal forces thought to rule the world today-the Bush cartel, Russian-Ukranian-Israeli mafia, and Wahhabist Saudi terror financiers-revealing links between these groups and disastrous terrorist events.

Indonesia 1958 Dean Rusk excerpted from Dr. Greg Poulgrain Battleground Indonesia JFK versus Dulles

Some of the Table of Contents of Dr. Poulgrain’s book
  • Timeline
  • List Qf Names
  • Introduction hy Oliver Stone
  • Chapter 1 JFK and Allen Dulles
  • Chapter 2: Gold! The 1936 Discovery and Concealment
  • Chapter 3: Dulles. de Mohrenschildt, and Oil
  • Chapter 4: 1958 Rebellion PRRI. [The Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia was a revolutionary government set up in Sumatra to oppose the central government of Indonesia in 1958. -Wikipedia]
  • Chapter 5: Dulles and Hammarslöld
  • Chapter 6: 1962-63
  • Chapter 7: Suharto and 1965
  • Afterword by James DiEugenio

Ed Donegan has quickly copied blocks of text

retrieved from JFK VS. ALLEN DULLES. BATTLEGROUND INDONESIA and copied or modified to here

JFK VS. ALLEN DULLES. BATTLEGROUND INDONESIA by Greg Poultrain

On April 10, 1961, in a long conversation with Dean Rusk,
Dutch Foreign Minister Luns said that he was going to “talk to
Hammarskjöld about this whole problem-“26.1 He wanted the United
Nations to send a visiting mission to West New Guinea. Kennedy,
four hours earlier, had informed Luns that he had been in touch
with Hammarskjöld since 1958 “and a number Of times since”
but gave no details of the more recent meetings. Luns obviously
had heard whispers that JFK and the UN secretary general had
been discussing the future of the Dutch territory. In the opinion
of the UN secretary general, JFK explained, only a bona fide
trusteeship arrangement would be approved. Without mentioning
gold, of course, Luns wanted the Dutch presence to continue as
part of a trusteeship, but this would not have been bona fide in
UN terms.…

Chapter 6
1962-63

JFK, New Guinea, Malaysian Confrontation
old War tension was rising. President Eisenhower closed
the US Embassy in Havana, January 3, 1961, the same
day that General Nasution in Moscow was discussing the
Soviet arms purchase that led to Kennedy’s intervention in the
Dutch-Indonesian dispute. DCI Dulles was personally involved in
the Cold War crises brewing in both locations, Cuba and Indonesia.
In Moscow, the list was impressive: TU-16 long-range bombers,
fighter planes, motor torpedo boats, submarines, and warships,
including a Skoryi-class cruiser transferred from the Soviet Navy.
They were to end Dutch sovereignty Of the New Guinea territory.
Sukarno claimed the long-range bombers had nuclear capability.
The willingness Of the United States to support their NATO ally in a
colonial outpost was now in the spotlight.

A National Intelligence Estimate was prepared on this arms deal
by Major General Edward G. Lansdale (secretary of Defense deputy
assistant for Special Operations) and was approved by the US
Intelligence Board March 7. Lansdale was a close associate of
Allen Dulles who was head of the Board. Lansdale wrote:
The Soviet effort to capture Sukarno and Indonesia through
personal diplomacy and military and economic assistance
has reached substantial proportions and appears to be
making significant progress. Indonesia is looking to the
Communist Bloc for important contributions to its economic

While Nasution’s pro-US stance was conveyed in confidence to
Jones and Rusk in March 1961, it probably came also to the notice
Of the CIA, judging by the careful wording in the briefing prepared
for Kennedy prior to Sukarno’s visit in April: “We are awaiting more
conclusive data before associating ourselves fully with Professor
Guy Pauker’s thesis that the Moscow talks may have forced General
Nasution into a de facto alliance with the Communist Party.”

If the CIA already knew that Kennedy had been informed
about Nasution, then the CIA briefing would have lost credibility
altogether had it stood by Pauker’s thesis. The briefing, titled
“Indonesian Perspectives” had direct input from Allen Dulles but
was signed off by Richard Bissell, CIA deputy director for plans. (His
predecessor was Frank Wisner). Part analysis and part intelligence
estimate, the briefing was clearly anti-Sukarno and advised
Kennedy against placing any trust in the Indonesian president.

Robert Komer, from the National Security Council, disagreed
with much of the briefing and bluntly expressed his opinion to the
president’s assistant for National Security Affairs, McGeorge Bundy:
“The thesis is that Sukarno, the devil incarnate, will take Indonesia
so far down the road as to make it a pushover for the PKI in (the)
predictable future.” For Kennedy’s best option, Komer said that he
preferred the same as Jones was recommending, that is, shifting to a
“pro-Indonesian policy on West Irian plus more ‘political’
The Moscow arms deal forced Washington to rethink its role
Of backing up the Dutch in the event Of Indonesian aggression.
Australian support for a continued Dutch presence compounded
Kennedy’s dilemma because of ANZUS, the Australian-New
Zealand-US alliance. Furthermore, if the United States supported
the Dutch, the prospect of a majority of members of the United
Nations decrying the United States as procolonialist placed another
restriction on Washington’s choice in the sovereignty dispute.
Pauker warned that success in West Irian might convince the
army to accept the PKI as a full partner, but this was implicitly
contradicted by Nasution’s stance.

While Nasution’s pro-US stance was conveyed in confidence to
Jones and Rusk in March 1961, it probably came also to the notice
Of the CIA, judging by the careful wording in the briefing prepared
for Kennedy prior to Sukarno’s visit in April: “We are awaiting more
conclusive data before associating ourselves fully with Professor
Guy Pauker’s thesis that the Moscow talks may have forced General
Nasution into a de facto alliance with the Communist Party.”
If the CIA already knew that Kennedy had been informed
about Nasution, then the CIA briefing would have lost credibility
altogether had it stood by Pauker’s thesis. The briefing, titled
“Indonesian Perspectives” had direct input from Allen Dulles but
was signed off by Richard Bissell, CIA deputy director for plans. (His
predecessor was Frank Wisner). Part analysis and part intelligence
estimate, the briefing was clearly anti-Sukarno and advised
Kennedy against placing any trust in the Indonesian president.
Robert Komer, from the National Security Council, disagreed
with much of the briefing and bluntly expressed his opinion to the

On April 10, 1961, in a long conversation with Dean Rusk,
Dutch Foreign Minister Luns said that he was going to “talk to
Hammarskjöld about this whole problem-“26.1 He wanted the United
Nations to send a visiting mission to West New Guinea. Kennedy,
four hours earlier, had informed Luns that he had been in touch
with Hammarskjöld since 1958 “and a number Of times since”
but gave no details of the more recent meetings. Luns obviously
had heard whispers that JFK and the UN secretary general had
been discussing the future of the Dutch territory. In the opinion
of the UN secretary general, JFK explained, only a bona fide
trusteeship arrangement would be approved. Without mentioning
gold, of course, Luns wanted the Dutch presence to continue as
part of a trusteeship, but this would not have been bona fide in
UN terms. Hammarskjöld intended to remove both the Dutch and
the Indonesians, but this important detail Kennedy refrained from

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