Col Prouty Was A Revealor

Col Prouty Was A Revealor

Online Version https://newwilliamcooperpatrioticsovereignpress.com/col-prouty-was-a-revealor/

Prouty was sure Nixon was behind Indonesia and elsewhere and though Bush might have been part of Operation Zapata and the Barbara ship used in it.

Understand why Prouty was a Doubty in some ways. Sorry for the meme but if you look at what the CIA says it can explain one thing and I can explain the other; two reasons Prouty could as an assassinations expert look over the events of Dealey Plaza and recognize use of flethces from an umbrella etc., because he had been part of those teams the Pentagon Office of Special Operations (with General Edward Lansdale) as both later moved over the the newly created Defense Intelligence Agency the JKF and McNamara completed standing up, a global scale operation that replaced the formerly CIA operation of ATSUGI that was in function, location, and name limited to Asia, Tokyo, Soviet Union, Guatemala, and Indonesia working out of Okinawa and other locations and even Guatemala was a geographic stretch but E. Howard Hunt was moved from Latin American to ATSUGI around 1951 1952 and his son St. John Hunt would be born to Dorothy Hunt the former assistant to Averell Harriman the E. Howard Hunt met and married in CIA (Office of Policy Coordination and OSS) work.

The US Army Air Corp Col Prouty was part of a security detail arriving in Japan in 1949 and remained there growing in intelligence community stature already an adjunct form of officer who ferried high ranking brass aroudn the world for secret meetings and being a part of intel and security while doing so.

Prouty was professional military. Who he worked with is part of what he knew but also part of what he did NOT know. It went like this. Prouty and Lansdale worked togother Prouty of lesser rank but closer to Senator and President JFK and these Roman Catholics. Lansdale was a full general and tied into Charles Douglas Jackson who might not have been military at all but civilial CIA.

According to the CIA and it is quoted from in New William Cooper books Prouty was “a Pentagon official responsible for supplying the CIA military assets” or something like that language. Per Prout he would meet with Allan Dulles, meet with Charles Cabell of the USAf, etc., and get the military needs met of the CIA.

On the other side of General Cabell, Genral Lansdale, and others like Bissle JR., and Allen Dulles were the CIA recruits (Brigade 2506) and front companies like Zapata Oil, Twowbly Aircraft, Bermuda Dunes Airport, Ray Ryan, Ernie Dunlevie, and Murder Inc., such as Myers Lansky and Chauncey Marvin Holt and Charles Harrelson.

Prouty SUSPECTED George H.W. Bush had been involved but the CIA likely knew the Roman Catholic Connection of MacNamara, Prouty, and the Kennedy family were faily strong and left most of these out of the loop. Prouty could guess at some of the work on the other side of Lansdale and suspect Lansdale himself but the CIA (from all sources of history on this) were trying to keep the Kennedy admin out of the loop on overthrow activities and PRouty was also the Breifing Officer to JFK at times I think as I have been reading this.

The second problem I assert is that James Donegan had a son who failed childhood and developmental (school, social) progress and the Kennedy Prouty loyalty to the Donegan’s who had been under the protective and assistive wing of the Kennedy family were betrayed by the CIA for its real family of Donegan’s to promote instead other DNA recipients from Donegan atomic testing DNA samples that went on to become elites in the USA Barrack Obama Jr is one of them and the Bush Barr Mueller Burns Wray families were probably a part of that CIA activity that was torn apart in the USA as Republic of Ireland experienced troubles with Norther Ireland.

The Changing Language of New William Cooper series books and Col Prouty Series Books into Terror Cell

The United States has fallen to a terrorist cell that operates in cover budgets and covert activities with or without Congressional approval and without Constitutionality.

The Cell operates inside itself in proximity to me in that it places gambit females near me often in places that I have no control or visibility over though the presumption is that I do and am conjoined the the victims alleged to my conduct. Similarly inside that cell is professional models in out-calls, etc., sometimes having left Victoria Secrets stores, etv.,

Those inside the cell assert Cell actions are tied to me rather than near me but I and others have shown the cell operations by adding impersonations of me at key moments (confrontations of me) while I am outside the cell but close enough as in most matters I am aware of the cell. All the activities of the Cell are part of the cell. The Membership Brain of Intent is the Gambit, the Agency or Agents operationg the Cell, the forgeries and impersonators, the racketeering using the Cell as a tap into my trust fund assets and inciting other hostile acts as well.

Actors asserting through suggestive activities make it appeart I am tied to the false flags the cell is conducting. ANTIFA and several other groups at times may in the cell as Mexican Mafia and other Protection Racket groups are in their patrolds against (false flag) misconduct.

I and Prouty assert this is the Deep State for me Ted Gunderson is the lense I look through, his allegations, and I add more in as well such as Judge Roll, Justice Scalia, Navy Yard shooting, and much moore. Mark Lane had a similar global perspective on this.

This might be ONLY theory (that does match all the facts) if it not were for the Theory being bolstered by forenisc evidence and deathbed confessions fo terror cell members like the Meery Ferrel Foundation assert as does Spatacus Educational, etc.,

The Terror Cell can and do order and carry out black oppps iside the USA with foreign support easily and involves cartel racketeering, etc.,

Agents in Place

Jen Moore who I think I met in custody and have a bit of a mutual crush with descriobed the system fo Agents in Place that Jim Garrison calls the Proletaterain Gaurd, a term of Coups. The idea is that the Coup is protected by Agents of the Coup who are rercruited from the Government rannks or placed their or are Agents of Influece in commercial media who protec the coup.

Military Soldiers and CIA, Prouty, Bowen, and others out George H.W. Bush and Cheney and others as NWO Crime Family along with Rockefeller, E. Howard Hunt

Prouty repeatedly recounts seeing Lansdale photographed at JKF assassination.

The JFK Assassination By David Giamarco 1998

WASHINGTON – With the quick crack of gunshots in Dallas’s Dealey Plaza that terminated the life and presidency of John Fitzgerald Kennedy continues to reverberate 33 years later. But the shock of the assassination is now overshadowed by dismay over the ruthless cover-up of what may be the greatest unsolved crime of the century.

Today the 1964 report of the Warren commission reads like a fairy tale. As the lone assassin Lee Harvey Oswald was ruled to have fired three bullets from a rusted Manlicher-Carcano rifle with a misaligned scope in just 5.6 seconds, one bullet missing the target leaving just two to cause eight wounds to Kennedy and Texas Governor John Connally.

When Prouty returned to the Pentagon where he had access to newspaper, special reports and hot wires from around the world, he was stuck again by the “packaged” Oswald story.

“I knew immediately the story was written before the shots were even fired… Oswald was a designated patsy whether he shot or not.”

Prouty was shocked by security breaches along the Presidents motorcade route especially Dealey Plaza. “The Secret Service should have men all along the route,” he says. “Especially in a hostile city like Dallas.”

One of his routine duties had he been in Washington would be to arrange additional security in Texas.

“I checked back and I found out that someone had told 112th Intelligence Group at the Army Headquarters at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio to “stand down” that day over the protests of the unit commander Col. Reich. When I talked to a member of that army unit later, I was told that the commander had offered the services of his unit for protection for the entire trip through Texas, and he was point-blank and categorically refused and there were hot words between agencies. Even Secret Service men from Fort Worth were told that they would not he needed in Dallas.”

That’s not all. Those wide-open and empty windows over looking Dealey Plaza were another major security breach. So was slowing the Presidents car to 12 kilometers per hour. To take that unusual 90 degree curve at Huston and Elm street – a last minute addition to the motorcade route.

“An assassination like this doesn’t happen with some kid shooting by himself”, states Prouty. “I mean my God, he wouldn’t have made it out of the building alive. It would have been over right there on the front steps of the building. But there were very few police anywhere.” “The streets should have been filled with military. The military were all trained for this. If you see a man open an umbrella, just go stand beside him. And just about that time, the President’s coming and he moves that umbrella, you knock him down. A man with a coat over his arm, or holding a rolled up newspaper, you stand beside him. You watch everything. We take guys down weeks ahead of time and study the area. You have snipers covering the area, and the moment a window goes up, you re on the radio. None of that was in place for Dallas.”

It was in 1967 that Prouty discovered one of the most explosive proofs of CIA involvement, buried within a series of six photos snapped within minutes of the assassination. The infamous photos show three ‘tramps’ arrested behind the grassy knoll being marching through Dealey Plaza by two uniformed officers. The three men remain a mystery-no arrest records were made and no names were taken. For years it was speculated that two were CIA agents E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis, who would later gain notoriety for their part in the Watergate break in.

“What caught my eye right away was the fact that some other person is in the first photo walking in the opposite direction.” says Prouty, singling out one particular shot. “Here he is, during one of the most important events in our history, casually walking past two police with guns and the tramps, not even looking at what could’ve been the killers of the President. This is all within 30 minutes or less after the assassination. It’s unbelievable. And note that these tramps have not been handcuffed either, and a civilian is allowed to walk within inches of them.”

Then Prouty looked even more closely at the photo. “I was stunned to realize that this unconcerned bystander was none other than my long-time friend and associate Ed Lansdale.”

“Right away, since he was there, I just knew that he must be concerned with the cover story. That was his gift…his specialty.”

Gen. Edward G. Lansdale was a celebrated CIA man who masterminded various assassination plots for the CIA and was heavily involved in Vietnam. He was CIA, but worked under the cover of an air force colonel. He and Prouty had worked closely together for several years before his resignation (“a paper resignation to comply with his CIA ‘cover’ assignment”) in October 1963. At the time of the assassination, Lansdale was supposed to be visiting his son in San Antonio, but a claim check found in his personal papers places him at a hotel used by the presidential entourage the night before the assassination.

“I personally have no doubt that the photo is of Lansdale,” affirms Prouty. “I knew him from 1952 in the Philippines to the time of his death. He was one of my neighbors.”

Prouty sent copies of the photos to a friend – another high-ranking Kennedy-era officer who also knew Lansdale.

Edward Paul Donegan contributes a few definitions Litivenko researched

The Secret Team of big money and wet division in business by the most powerful in society, often detente contractors or in the oil business ranges from Rockefeller, Joseph Kennedy Sr, the Bush family, E Howard Hunt, Howard Hughes, and many others.

This term of Secret Team of colluding mafia backed businesses for the good of the west is the killer of JFK and assailants on my own family a family wronged by thee vary mafia crime boss criminals.

The Immaculate Deception: Bush Crime Family Exposed – General Russel Bowen

Perhaps the most shocking book written this century about treason committed by the highest leaders within the US government. This disturbing and thought-provoking expose is written by Brigadier General Russell S Bowen who has courageously come forward with the truth about his association with the OSS (Office of Security Services) and his ‘drug running’ activities on behalf of the ‘secret’ government which involves the highest US ‘leaders’ and which few Americans know anything about. The most startling details are revealed regarding Bowen’s clandestine work including his work under the orders of George Bush.

Vocabulary.com retrieved from link and copied or modified to here

Cartel of a Wet Division run State

The origin of the usage of ‘cartel’ for entrepreneurial co-operations was the German speaking region of Central Europe. Already in the 1870, ‘Cartell’ came up for railway companies who unified their technical standards, pooled their stocks of railroad cars and coordinated their time schedules.[3]

A cartel is a group of independent market participants who collude with each other in order to improve their profits and dominate the market from non Cartel actions state of existence.

Opec is a cartel and the USA has formed Wet Division system among Western oil interested to act as a competing cartel which can act on the OPEC cartel using illegal means which the cartel members England and the USA mainly will keep intact by keeping illegal Wet Division acts including bring down Seal Team SIx and sleeper agents in the USA secret and co-ordinated.

Cartels are usually associations in the same sphere of business, and thus an alliance of rivals. Most jurisdictions consider it anti-competitive behavior and have outlawed such practices.

This book asserts a Social Justice collective of favored and numerous minority classes such as gay, Hispanic, Black, or other such as Religious can gain rights to my DNA via cartel operating as organized crime in allegiance with each other against a DNA high value victim, me and the cartel splits along aversaril social jusice lines between People of Color and Affirmative Action cartel against an Establishment White male. Allegences in ethics support cohesion in the cartel for a group profit strategy

MKULTRA is a co-operation long term plan organized by the CIA and England for the Middle East North Africa, Ukranian, and other expansion, and profits of the plausibly deniable cartels will be protected by CIA acts including Wet Division silencing of those whou would expose the secret plans

Cartel behavior includes price fixing, bid rigging, and reductions in output.

This book asserts to use my DNA on the black market funding criminals my DNA is used to bid for Dominatrixes or plea deals though the bid is rigged because the DNA is offered via a person tied to my identity, thus accapted as me, but tied to my identity in an unreliable way such as having furniture of clothing once mine which I no longer possess.

Honor Among Cartel Thieves

Cartels Encompass Competitors but constrain competition within the cartel by rules of the cartel

Today Democrat Party Members and Republic Party Members (DNC and GOP) will argue, frankly, piss on each others toes and angrily, but keep the CIA secret of the CIA cartel US and Western political leadership class participate in.

Cartel party theory

The concept of the cartel party was first proposed in 1992 as a means of drawing attention to the patterns of inter-party collusion or cooperation rather than competition; and as a way of emphasising the influence of the state on party development. In definitional terms, the cartel party is a type of party that emerges in advanced democratic polities and that is characterised by the interpenetration of party and state and by a pattern of inter-party collusion.

Bush Cheney, H E B Edward Butt, Clintons, Rockefellers, Rothschild’s, Windsors, others know or are part of Cartel activity and may be profiteers from cartel activities which propell them in politics and Main Stream Media influence

Business owned by Cartel connected or Cartel friendly interests may allow cartel connected requests to be allowed by their businesses such as hit peices on people in the media, fake whiplish type claims on company property, etc.

Kleptocracy (from Greek “power, rule”)

is a government whose corrupt leaders (kleptocrats) use political power to appropriate the wealth of their nation, typically by embezzling or misappropriating government funds at the expense of the wider population.[1][2]

Oligarchy

is a form of power structure in which power rests with a small number of people. These people may be distinguished by nobility, wealth, education, corporate, religious, political, or military control. Such states are often controlled by families who pass their influence from one generation to the next, but inheritance is not a necessary condition of oligarchy.

Narco-state

Narco-state (also narco-capitalism or narco-economy[a]) is a political and economic term applied to countries where all legitimate institutions become penetrated by the power and wealth of the illegal drug trade.[2] The term was first used to describe Bolivia following the 1980 coup of Luis García Meza which was seen to be primarily financed with the help of narcotics traffickers.[3] Examples of some narco-states are described below. Other well-known examples are Mexico, Colombia, and Guinea-Bissau, where drug cartels produce, ship and sell drugs such as cocaine and marijuana.

Mafia state

In politics, a mafia state is a state system where the government is tied with organized crime to the degree when government officials, the police, and/or military became a part of the criminal enterprise.[1][2] According to US diplomats, the phrase “mafia state” was coined by Alexander Litvinenko[3] Aleksandr Valterovich Litvinenko 30 August 1962 or 4 December 1962 Voronezh, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union Died >23 November 2006 (aged 43 or 44)

In 1991, Litvinenko was promoted to the Central Staff of the Federal Counterintelligence Service, specialising in counter-terrorist activities and infiltration of organised crime.

Poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko

Late on November 22, Litvinenko’s heart failed; the official time of death was 9:21 pm at University College Hospital in London.[29]

My research indicates the Mafia State he alleged the USA and perhaps Russia to be, is Cartel State, probbably the Cali Cartel operated by Geroge H.W. Bush, nd probably uses for profit cartel economics to kill through the cia rather than mere bar fights of a normal citizen which people get arrested for.

CIA Black Budget money tied to Epstein and many others and Middle East North Africa and Ukraine deals are a constant source of dirty money, dirty politicians, dirty deads, and often attempts at evading criminal liability by targted hits to suppress journalism and witnesses to the existing CIA assassinations

Sergei Magnitsky

Sergei Leonidovich Magnitsky (Russian: Серге́й Леони́дович Магни́тский, IPA: [sʲɪrˈɡʲej lʲɪɐˈnʲidəvʲɪtɕ mɐɡˈnʲitskʲɪj]; 8 April 1972 – 16 November 2009) was a Ukrainian-born Russian tax advisor.[1] His arrest in 2008 and subsequent death after eleven months in police custody generated international media attention and triggered both official and unofficial inquiries into allegations of fraud, theft and human rights violations in Russia.

Magnitsky alleged there had been large-scale theft from the Russian state, sanctioned and carried out by Russian officials. He was arrested and eventually died in prison seven days before the expiration of the one-year term during which he could be legally held without trial.[5][6] In total, Magnitsky served 358 days in Moscow’s Butyrka prison. He developed gall stones, pancreatitis, and a blocked gall bladder, and was denied medical care.

Human Traffickig in children, fertilizations, and the Magniski act, stolen plutonium and hits tied to US nuclear facilities. – Jamison Reed Firestone (born 1966) is an American attorney. Firestone graduated from Tulane University in 1988 and Tulane Law School in 1991.[1] In August 1991, shortly before the fall of the Soviet Union, he moved to Moscow, Russia and co-founded the law firm Firestone Duncan. He fled Russia in August 2009 following the arrest of his employee Sergei Magnitsky, who died in prison, after eleven months’ incarceration without trial

Ted Gunderson will speak about Bowen being one of his Confidential Informant and also referer to Bowen as friend he corresponded with after the evidence plant.

FINDING JIMMY HOFFA

AFTER 45-YEAR ODYSSEY, INVESTIGATIVE REPORTER BELIEVES HE KNOWS WHERE THE LEGENDARY TEAMSTERS BOSS IS BURIED Published: uly 8th, 2020 – By Dan E. Moldea

ROLLAND MCMASTER

On August 5, my first full day on the job with NBC News, I received an introduction to an associate of Rolland McMaster, a Teamsters official who had stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Hoffa since their earliest days in the union. However, in recent years, Hoffa and McMaster had a huge falling out over control of Teamsters Local 299 in Detroit, Hoffa’s home local. Consequently, they became mortal enemies.

In fact, my new source alleged that McMaster had played a key role in the disposal of Hoffa’s body six days earlier – but he could not prove it. NBC authorized me to pursue the McMaster lead but put me on a short leash, giving me a limited amount of time to get results.

With the help of my friends and sources in the rank-and-file reform movement within the Teamsters, I received introductions to several key players in the Hoffa drama. I quickly learned that since 1971, McMaster, an international organizer, had directed a 32-member Teamsters organizing unit that was traveling around the country, shaking down trucking companies in return for labor peace.

The Irishman retrieved from Wikipedia and copied or modified to here

After the 1960 election of John F. Kennedy, Russell is thrilled while Hoffa is furious. Kennedy’s brother, Robert Kennedy, who he appointed Attorney General, forms a “Get Hoffa” squad to bring down Hoffa, who is eventually arrested and convicted in 1964 for jury tampering. While Hoffa is in prison, his replacement as Teamsters president, Frank “Fitz” Fitzsimmons, misuses the union’s pension fund and gives interest-free loans to the Mafia. Hoffa’s relationship with Tony Pro, himself arrested for extortion, also deteriorates beyond repair when Hoffa refuses to do a favor for him. Hoffa has his sentence commuted by President Richard Nixon in 1971, although he is forbidden from partaking in any Teamsters activities until 1980

Despite his parole terms, Hoffa undertakes a plan to reclaim his power atop the Teamsters. Hoffa’s growing disrespect for other Teamster leaders and his intention to separate the union from the Mafia begins to worry Russell. During a dinner in Sheeran’s honor in October 1973, Russell tells Sheeran to confront Hoffa and warn him that the heads of the crime families are displeased with his behavior. Hoffa then informs Sheeran that he “knows things” that Russell and the dons of other families are unaware of and claims that what he knows makes him untouchable, for if anything ever happened to him, they would all end up in prison.

In 1975, while on their way to Bill’s daughter’s wedding, Russell tells Sheeran that the dons have become fed up with Hoffa and have sanctioned his murder. Reluctantly, Russell informs Sheeran that he has been chosen as the triggerman, knowing he might otherwise try to warn or save Hoffa. The two drive to a private airport where Sheeran boards a plane to Detroit. Hoffa, who had scheduled a meeting at a local restaurant with Tony Pro and Anthony Giacalone, is surprised to see Sheeran arrive late with Hoffa’s unsuspecting foster son Chuckie O’Brien and loan shark Sally Bugs. They advise Hoffa that the meeting was moved to a house where Tony Pro and Russell are waiting for them, and drive him over. Entering the house, Hoffa finds it empty and realizes that he has been set up. He turns around to leave, at which point Sheeran shoots him dead at point-blank range before leaving the gun atop his body near the entrance. After Sheeran departs, two other mobsters wrap up the body and cremate it in secret.

JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy Paperback – Illustrated, April 1, 2011 by L. Fletcher Prouty Amazon.com

L. Fletcher Prouty’s U.S. Army portrait United States Army – Burnham, Greg. The Education Forum (March 31, 2015)

L. Fletcher Prouty retrieved from Wikipedia and copied or modified to here

Early Life and Education

Prouty attended the University of Massachusetts Amherst (then known as Massachusetts State College), and on September 20, 1936 he was elected President of his freshman class, “the Class of 1940,” succeeding Daniel G. Lacey.[6][7][3] He later pursued his graduate studies in banking at the University of Wisconsin-Madison Graduate School of Banking.

Government service

World War II

Prouty was commissioned as a reserve 2nd lieutenant in the cavalry on June 9, 1941, and began his military career with the 4th Armored Division in Pine Camp, New York. He was promoted to 1st lieutenant on February 1, 1942. He transferred to the United States Army Air Forces on November 10, 1942, and earned his pilot wings that same month. He arrived in British West Africa in February 1943 as a pilot with Air Transport Command.[citation needed]

In the summer of 1943 he was the personal pilot of General Omar Bradley, General John C. H. Lee and General C. R. Smith (founder and president of American Airlines), among others. He flew the U.S. Geological Survey Team in Saudi Arabia, October 1943, to confirm oil discoveries in preparation for the Cairo Conference. He was assigned to special duties at the Cairo Conference and the Tehran Conference November-December 1943. He flew Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese delegation (T. V. Soong’s delegates) to Tehran.[citation needed]

An important mission he was involved in was the evacuation of the British commandos made famous by the novel Guns of Navarone involved in the Battle of Leros from Leros to Palestine. He was promoted to captain on February 1, 1944. In 1945 he was transferred to the Southwest Pacific and flew in New Guinea, Leyte and was on Okinawa at the end of war. He landed near Tokyo at the time of the surrender with the first three planes carrying General Douglas MacArthur’s bodyguard troops. He flew out with American POWs.[citation needed]

Post-war service

After the war, Prouty accepted an assignment from the U.S. Army in September 1945 to inaugurate the ROTC program at Yale University, where he also taught during each scholastic year from 1946 to 1948. This timeline intersects with the years that George Bush[disambiguation needed] and William F. Buckley, Jr. also spent at Yale. Prouty fondly recalled Buckley at that time in his role as editor of the Yale Daily News, and Prouty later told an interviewer in 1989 that he had written for Buckley on several occasions.

In 1950 he transferred to Colorado Springs to build Air Defense Command. From 1952 to 1954 he was assigned to Korean War duties in Japan, where he served as Military Manager for Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during the post-war U.S. occupation.

In 1955 he was assigned to the coordination of operations between the fledgling U.S. Air Force and the CIA.[1] As a result of a CIA commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the U.S. Air Force, promoted to colonel, and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense.[citation needed]

Following the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency and termination of the OSO by Secretary Robert McNamara, Prouty was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and charged with the creation a similar organization on a global scale.

From 1962 to 1963 he served as Chief of Special Operations with the Joint Staff. In an chance encounter with Edward Lansdale in the hallways of the Pentagon, a “month or two before” the assassination (as Prouty tells it), Lansdale informed Prouty he had arranged for him [Prouty] to accompany a group of VIPs to the South Pole from November 10 to 23, in the capacity of Military Escort officer.[9]

The ostensible purpose of the trip was the activation a nuclear power plant at the United States Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica, to provide heat, light, and sea water desalination.[citation needed] Prouty later described his confusion at the unusual assignment, but he expected the job to be a “paid vacation” and accepted the task.

Prouty retired in 1964 as a colonel in the U.S. Air Force. As recognition of his long and distinguished career in the service of his country, he was awarded one of the first three Joint Service Commendation Medals by General Maxwell D. Taylor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, the former CIA operative known as “X,” offers a history-shaking perspective on the assassination of president John F. Kennedy. His theories were the basis for Oliver Stone’s controversial movie JFK.

Prouty believed that Kennedy’s death was a coup d’état, and he backs this belief up with his knowledge of the security arrangements at Dallas and other tidbits that only a CIA insider would know (for example, that every member of Kennedy’s cabinet was abroad at the time of Kennedy’s assassination). His discussion of the elite power base he believes controlled the U.S. government will scare and enlighten anyone who wants to know who was really behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

This is must reading for anyone who believes that Lee Harvey Oswald did not act along and that a complicated plot led to the murder of President Kennedy.

With an Introduction by Oliver Stone, the director of the hit movie JFK and a Foreword by Jesse Ventura, author of the New York Times Bestseller, They Killed our President, here is an insider’s view of JFK, the CIA, Vietnam and the plot that led to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the United States and the World by by L. Fletcher Prouty Amazon.com

Offers uncommonly penetrating insight.…A rare glimpse into Covert and Black Operations.- New York Times Bestselling author, Governor Jesse Ventura, from his Foreword.

The Secret Team, L. Fletcher Prouty’s expose´ of the CIA’s brutal methods of maintaining national security during the Cold War, was first published in the 1970s. However, virtually all copies of the book disappeared upon distribution, having been purchased en masse by shady “private buyers.” Prouty’s topics include:

  • President Kennedy tried to control the CIA.
  • The nature of clandestine operations.
  • The Dulles-Jackson-Correa Report in action Defense, containment, and anti-communism

  • Khrushchev’s Challenge: the U-2 dilemma
  • From the Bay of Pigs to Dallas.
  • And much more!

Prouty’s allegations-such as how the U-2 Crisis of 1960 was fixed to sabotage Eisenhower-Khrushchev talk-cannot have pleased the CIA. The Secret Team appears once more with a new introduction by bestselling author, Governor Jesse Ventura.

“Like it or not, we now live in a new age of ‘One World.’ This is the age of global companies, of global communications and transport, of global food supply and finance and … just around the corner … global accommodation of political systems. In this sense, there are no home markets, no isolated markets and no markets outside the global network. It is time to face the fact that true national sovereignty no longer exists. We live in a world of big business, big lawyers, big bankers, even bigger moneymen and big politicians. It is the world of The Secret Team.” April 1, 201

General Russell Bowen

Ted Gunderson refers to Bowen as one of his Confidential Informants who (like Jen Moore) described Free Masons as infiltrators into the USA positions inlcuidng Media, Academia, Business, and law and how the Fre Mason will act against those who reveal Free Mason infiltration into US Politics by evidence plants, etc.,

The Immaculate Deception: Bush Crime Family Exposed by Russell S. Bowen (Author) retrieved from Amazon.com and copied or modified to here

Perhaps the most shocking book written this century about treason committed by the highest leaders within the US government. This disturbing and thought-provoking expose is written by Brigadier General Russell S Bowen who has courageously come forward with the truth about his association with the OSS (Office of Security Services) and his ‘drug running’ activities on behalf of the ‘secret’ government which involves the highest US ‘leaders’ and which few Americans know anything about. The most startling details are revealed regarding Bowen’s clandestine work including his work under the orders of George Bush

General Russell Bowen

Retired Brig. General Russell Bowen is another fascinating person tied to Jerry’s cocaine empire. During WW 2, he received the Distinguished Flying Cross and other medals for his time as a young fighter pilot. It was during this time he was brought into the OSS and when President Truman banned the intelligence organization, Bowen and others secretly maintained the organization, later to become the CIA

He helped establish several airlines in South America that were used as cover for the CIA and was an expert at extracting CIA operatives from dangerous situations when their cover had been exposed. He was heavily involved in CIA drug trafficking,

especially in South America, and had many friends within both the Medellin and Cali cartels. Eventually, Bowen and others became disenchanted with the CIA involvement with drugs and wanted to stop the practice of bringing them into America

In the early 1980’s, he wrote an anonymous letter to U.S. Customs, reporting the details of the smuggling operation, but nothing happened. But something did happen to him. In 1982, a CIA operative ordered him to fly a trip into Medellin, Colombia, taking a CIA undercover agent and to then bring back another agent. On the return trip, several hundred pounds of cocaine were placed on the plane. When he landed at a remote airport in Georgia, federal authorities were waiting. At his trial, he wasn’t allowed to use his CIA status as a defense-much like Harold Rosenthal-and was sentenced to hard time.

How does this tie into Jerry LeQuire? Well, the CIA operative who ordered him to go to Colombia was the same man who had worked for Jerry for many years. And the airport where he was arrested was the same airport Jerry had bought a few years earlier.

Russell Allen Bowen: Marine commander during WWII, committed to family, country retrieved from link and copied or modified to here

Russell Allen Bowen, 96, a former Los Altos resident, died April 14. Born in New Britain, Conn., Aug. 9, 1912, Mr. Bowen grew up in Minneapolis and came of age during uncertain times.

“We are often inclined, in error, to be considered masters of our own destiny, but I am a product of the Great Depression,” Mr. Bowen said of himself.

Mr. Bowen worked his way through the University of Minnesota selling textbooks and encyclopedias in Alaska and Hawaii to earn a degree in petroleum engineering in 1935. Selected for the Navy’s elite first cadet flight program, he merited the coveted Naval Aviator Wings as Aviation Cadet No. 1 in 1935 and accepted a commission as a second lieutenant in the U.S. Marine Corps Reserve. Assigned to the Naval Air Station in San Diego, he served as commanding officer of Marine Bombing Squadron III and flew the BG-2 dive-bomber. His four years included tours of duty on the USS Lexington and the USS Saratoga where he logged numerous day and night carrier landings.

In 1939, Mr. Bowen left active duty as a first lieutenant and became a co-pilot for the young TWA (Trans World Airlines). While stationed in Burbank, he began a successful aerial photography business, which he relinquished when he was assigned to Kansas City to complete his airline captain’s training in 1940. The commercial aviation boom was beginning.

“I was a happy rider on the bow-wave of an unprecedented expansion,” he said of those times.

Mr. Bowen met Vivien Gay Smith, Miss TWA 1941, a registered nurse and flight hostess, on a trip from Albuquerque to Los Angeles. It was love at first sight and they married shortly before Mr. Bowen was reactivated after the 1941 bombing of Pearl Harbor.

He saw combat duty overseas as the commanding officer of Marine Corps Squadron 252, stationed in Kwajalein and Guam. His squadron transported vital supplies and combat personnel throughout the Pacific Theater.

At the end of the war, he retired from active duty with the rank of lieutenant colonel, but remained in the Marine Corps Active Reserve, achieving the rank of Brigadier General in 1967.

He served as president of the Marine Corps Reserve Officers Association and continued to fly the current USMC aircraft, through the F-4 Phantom.

Mr. Bowen returned to TWA after the war and he and Gay moved to the Bay Area. In 1959, he became one of the first TWA captains to fly the company’s new Boeing 707s, ushering in commercial aviation’s jet age.

Throughout the next two decades, he flew commercially all over the world, and performed as a check pilot certifying pilots and supervising flight operations at the San Francisco airport.

My father James Paul Donegan may have encountered him as himslef being a Boeing 707 pilot and living and flying 707s and later the L1011s out of San Francisco International Airport.]

Mr. Bowen retired from TWA in 1972 with more than 24,000 mishap-free flight hours, or as he put it, “2.7 years in the air.”

Mr. Bowen had a creative and entrepreneurial spirit that kept him busy between flights. His Oakhaven Chinchilla Ranch, located on an historical estate in the midst of one of the last apricot orchards in Los Altos, became the second largest producer of the fur in California.

He became a successful real estate broker and land developer in Santa Cruz County. He loved nature, fishing and the outdoors, and taught his children the importance of environmental stewardship. He was a member of the Presbyterian faith and supported the church in a variety of roles, including as deacon.

Mr. Bowen is survived by his wife of 67 years, Vivien Gay; daughters Linda, Merideth and Deborah; son Richard; nine grandchildren; four great-grandchildren; his brother Frank Bowen; and sister Barbara Thompson.

A military service is scheduled 2 p.m. June 24 in Arlington Cemetery, Washington, D.C. In lieu of flowers, a contribution may be made to The Paradise Valley Estates Benevolence Fund or The Nature Conservancy.

Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government, and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years Paperback – Illustrated, November 17, 2009 retrieved from Amazon.com and copied or modified to here

How did the deeply flawed George W. Bush ascend to the highest office in the nation, what forces abetted his rise, and-perhaps most important-have those forces really been vanquished by Obama’s election? Award-winning investigative journalist Russ Baker gives us the answers in Family of Secrets, a compelling and startling new take on the Bush dynasty and the shadowy elite that has quietly steered the American republic for the past half century and more. Baker shows how this network of figures in intelligence, the military, oil, and finance enabled-and in turn benefited handsomely from-the Bushes’ perch at the highest levels of government. As Baker reveals, this deeply entrenched elite remains in power regardless of who sits in the Oval Office.

Family of Secrets offers countless disclosures that challenge the conventional accounts of such central events as the JFK assassination and Watergate. It includes an inside account of George W.‘s cynical religious conversion and the untold real background to the disastrous response to Hurricane Katrina. Baker’s narrative is gripping, sobering, and deeply sourced. It will change the way we understand not just the Bush years, but a half century of postwar history-and the present.


“One of the most important books of the past ten years.” – Gore Vidal

“A tour de force … Family of Secrets has made me rethink even those events I witnessed with my own eyes.” – Dan Rather

“Shocking in its disclosures, elegantly crafted, and faultlessly measured in its judgments, Family of Secrets is nothing less than a first historic portrait in full of the Bush dynasty and the era it shaped. From revelation to revelation, insight to insight-from the Kennedy assassination to Watergate to the oil and financial intrigues that lie behind today’s headlines-this is a sweeping drama of money and power, unseen forces, and the emblematic triumph of a lineage that sowed national tragedy. Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets is sure to take its place as one of the most startling and influential works of American history and journalism.” – Roger Morris, former senior staff member, National Security Council, and author of Richard Milhous Nixon: The Rise of an American Politician and Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America

“Left-wing paranoia? Baker, a solid investigative journalist, works hard to back up his claims – a reader could choke on the complex, interwoven details in Family of Secrets. He’s a man on a mission, desperate to stop the “methods of stealth and manipulation that … reflect a deeper ill: the American public’s increasingly tenuous hold upon the levers of its own democracy.” – San Diego Union-Tribune

“Prodigiously industrious investigative journalist Russ Baker…. connects the dots between the Bushes and Watergate.” – Lev Grossman, Time Magazine


About the Author

Russ Baker is an award winning investigative journalist. He has written for the New Yorker, Vanity Fair, the New York Times, the Nation, the Los Angeles Times, the Washington Post, the Village Voice, and Esquire, and has served as a contributing editor to the Columbia Journalism Review. He is the founder of WhoWhatWhy/the Real News Project, a nonpartisan, nonprofit news organization, operating at www.whowhatwhy.com.

Trust Fund Cartel generating false pretexts againt me which are causes of actions pretexts

The damage to the enforcebility of me rights and defense of my liberty may be the real motive the long running cartel needs claims against me in a country predotroy towards my genome and predatory towards my normal life

Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluding Party Colluded Against
Trust Fund Managers Business Owners requesting or granting cooperation with cartel requests Impoverished County Social Services Social Services Beneficary Religious Ministries Underprivlidged SVU Prosecutors Courts and Marshalls within Town Media which allow sham claims to survice or even use media to support Sham claims which provide cover to the Legend (covert deceptions) law enforcement has underway Edward Donegan and Glorian Donegan Private Trust shaken down by Cartel of Money Laundering

Col Prouty wrote Guns of Dallas and Nixon and Indonesia, two truthful and previously unconnected articles on the CIA. Edward Paul Donegan and others now can connect it all. The Indonesia plan was similar to other plans (Cruz family in Cuba groomed as possible leaders) and Barrack Obama Jr for Indonesia.

L. Fletcher Prouty (1917-2001), a retired colonel of the U.S. Air Force, served as the chief of special operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Kennedy years. He was directly in charge of the global system designed to provide military support for the clandestine activities of the CIA. He was the author of JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy and The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies. – Amazon author profile

The Donegan piece of this is at the two year mark Barrack Obama Jr. was progressing better than his Roman Catholic half twin (sharing Glorian Donegan as the biological mother) and the CIA did not groom Tom Donegan or Ed Donegan as the plan did groom others including likely the Kelly brothers of NASA, the Nixon, Bush, and Burns and Rockefeller families.

“Flexible Response” (to Communist influence on nations of the world rather than uniformed combat) was CIA based assassinations and Psychological Warfare studying how to and then influencing popular opinions in foreign nations and included full overthrow operations lending hands to internal combatants of contested countries.

Col. Prouty spent 9 of his 23 year military career in the Pentagon (1955-1964) VP Nixon served from 1952 to 1960 and jFK inaugurated 1961 to 1963:

Allen Dulles, Gen. Ed Lansdale, Gen. Charles P. Cabell, Mr. Nathan Twining
  • 2 years with the Secretary of Defense,

  • 2 years with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and

  • 5 years with Headquarters, U.S. Air Force

In 1955 he was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

At times he would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequalled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

Col Prouty wrote Guns of Dallas and Nixon and Indonesia, two truthful and previously unconnected articles on the CIA that are included here.

L. Fletcher Prouty (1917-2001), a retired colonel of the U.S. Air Force, served as the chief of special operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Kennedy years. He was directly in charge of the global system designed to provide military support for the clandestine activities of the CIA. He was the author of JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy and The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies. – Amazon author profile

“Flexible Response” (to Communist influence on nations of the world rather than uniformed combat) was CIA based assassinations and Psychological Warfare studying how to and then influencing popular opinions in foreign nations and included full overthrow operations lending hands to internal combatants of contested countries.

Col. Prouty spent 9 of his 23 year military career in the Pentagon (1955-1964) VP Nixon served from 1952 to 1960 and jFK inaugurated 1961 to 1963:

Allen Dulles, Gen. Ed Lansdale, Gen. Charles P. Cabell, Mr. Nathan Twining
  • 2 years with the Secretary of Defense,

  • 2 years with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and

  • 5 years with Headquarters, U.S. Air Force

In 1955 he was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

At times he would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequalled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY

WASHINGTON 25, D. C.

OFFICE OF DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE – 6 JAN 1958

MEMORANDUM FOR: CHIEF OF STAFF, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE

SUBJECT: Commendation of Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, 7730A

  1. I am pleased to call to your attention the exceptionally fine assistance and cooperation extended to the several components of the Central Intelligence Agency by Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, Chief, Team B, Subsidiary Plans Division, Directorate of Plans, DCS/P&P [Directorate of Clandestine Services and Projects and Planning under Richard Bissle Jr.], Headquarters USAF.

  2. Since his assignment as Chief of Team B, in August 1955, Colonel Prouty has been called upon frequently to assist this Agency in the support of sensitive activities of the greatest importance to the National Security. His effective assistance and numerous contributions to the solution of varied and difficult problems have been consistently successful and have marked him as an outstanding officer of unusual professional competence and potential.

  3. Colonel Prouty’s keen understanding of the many unique and complex problems which confront both the operational and support elements of this Agency and his personal interest and application to them have consistently produced efficient and outstanding results.

  4. It is recommended that this letter of commendation be placed in Colonel Prouty’s personnel folder.

C. P. CABELL

Lieutenant General, USAF

Deputy Director

Oversight of United States covert operations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Executive oversight of United States covert operations has been carried out by a series of sub-committees of the National Security Council (NSC).

Birth of covert operations in the Cold War

At the beginning of the Cold War, it was not inevitable that covert operations would become the dominion of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The National Security Act of 1947 did not explicitly authorize the CIA to conduct covert operations, although Section 102(d)(5) was sufficiently vague to permit abuse. At the very first meetings of the NSC in late 1947, the perceived necessity to “stem the flow of communism” in Western Europe-particularly Italy-by overt and covert “psychological warfare” forced the issue. The actual responsibility for these operations was a hot potato, and when it was decided that the State Department would be in charge, Secretary of State George Marshall sharply opposed it, fearing it would tarnish the international credibility of his department. The upshot was that responsibility for covert operations was passed on to the CIA; this was codified in a NSC policy paper called NSC 4-A,[4] approved in December 1947. NSC 4-A provided the authorization for the intervention of the CIA in the Italian elections of April 1948.[5]

Proposed NSC 4-A Panel

A draft of NSC 4-A envisioned the creation of a NSC-designated “panel” to approve operations. The executive secretary of the NSC, Sidney Souers, recommended that the panel be composed of representatives from the departments of State, Army, Navy and Air Force, as well an “observer” representative from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This provision was dropped in the final version, which simply stated that the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) “is charged with ensuring that [covert] psychological operations are consistent with U.S. foreign policy and overt foreign information activities, and that appropriate agencies of the U.S. Government, …, are kept informed of such operations which will directly affect them.”

From NSC 10/2 to NSC 5412 (June 1948-March 1955)

According to the Church Committee, throughout the period June 1948 to March 1955, “NSC directives provided for consultation with representatives of State and Defense”. But “these representatives had no approval function. There was no formal procedure or committee to consider and approve projects.

NSC 10/2 Panel

The arrangement in NSC 4-A did not please the influential director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff (S/P), George F. Kennan. Under his leadership, a S/P paper titled “The inauguration of organized political warfare” was circulated in the NSC in early May 1948, which said that “there are two major types of political warfare-one overt and the other covert. Both, from their basic nature, should be directed and coordinated by the Department of State.” Yet Kennan wanted to have his cake and eat it too: the paper made it clear that the State Department should not be formally associated with the conduct of covert operations. Then the Joint Chiefs of Staff entered the fray by guarding its prerogatives, particularly in wartime, especially in theatres of war.[11] As a result of the controversy spurred by Kennan, NSC 4-A was replaced by NSC 10/2, approved by President Harry Truman on 18 June 1948, creating the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). Kennan was still not satisfied and continued to press for State control, hoping that his choice for OPC director, Frank Wisner, would be loyal to the State Department-he was not.

NSC 10/2 was the first presidential document which specified a mechanism to approve and manage covert operations, and also the first in which the term “covert operations” was defined. NSC 10/2 charged the DCI with “Ensuring, through designated representatives of the Secretary of State and of the Secretary of Defense, that covert operations are planned and conducted in a manner consistent with US foreign and military policies and with overt activities.” The representatives to this “10/2 Panel”, also known as the “OPC Consultants”, were Kennan for State (1948-1950) and Joseph McNarney for Defense (1948-1949). The panel, which met about once a week, was supplanted from January 1950 on by the regular attendance of a representative from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. According to Anne Karalekas, a Church Committee staffer, it did not constrain the OPC:

[The 10/2 Panel was] not an approval body, and there was no formal mechanism whereby individual projects had to be brought before [it] for discussion. Because it was assumed that covert action would be exceptional, strict provisions for specific project authorization were not considered necessary. With minimal supervision from State and Defense and with a shared agreement on the nature of the OPC mission, individuals in OPC could take the initiative in conceiving and implementing projects.[16]

In the first half of its existence, OPC was not really under CIA’s control. In the words of Edward P. Lilly, DCI Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter, “although authorized by NSC-10/2 to supervise OPC, had allowed OPC to go its own way.” OPC was brought under CIA control in October 1950, when Walter Bedell Smith became DCI. OPC was merged on 1 August 1952 with the CIA branch responsible for espionage, the Office of Special Operations (OSO), to form the Directorate of Plans (DDP).

NSC 10/5 Panel

Truman swelled the bureaucracy on 4 April 1951 when he established the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB). DCI Smith, seeking more high-level policy guidance, wanted the PSB “to replace the 10/2 Panel as approval body”; this proposal was adopted by the NSC. NSC 10/5[20] tried to specify the purpose of the PSB. The 10/2 Panel, which continued to function, was replaced in February 1952 by an enlarged 10/5 Panel, which also included PSB staff.[22] According to an internal CIA review from 1967, the 10/5 Panel “functioned much as the 10/2 Panel had, but the resulting procedures proved cumbersome and potentially insecure.”

According to John Prados, the CIA cut the PSB out of the loop, establishing instead an internal mechanism for approval of operations. In 1953, DCI Smith said that the PSB was “incompetent and its work irrelevant”.

“As the Truman administration ended”, writes the Office of the Historian,

CIA was near the peak of its independence and authority in the field of covert action. Although CIA continued to seek and receive advice on specific projects from the NSC, the PSB, and the departmental representatives originally delegated to advise OPC, no group or officer outside of the DCI and the President himself had authority to order, approve, manage, or curtail operations.[26]

Enter Eisenhower

The Eisenhower administration took office on 20 January 1953. When Eisenhower replaced the PSB with the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB) on 2 September 1953, he also did away with the 10/5 Panel, reverting to “a smaller group identical to the former 10/2 Panel, without OCB staff participation.” On 15 March 1954, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412, which required CIA to consult with OCB. Although Eisenhower would later congratulate the CIA with its success in deposing Guatemala’s democratically elected President, Jacobo Árbenz, he was privately irked by CIA’s unauthorized bombing of SS Springfjord. According to Prados, that incident “convinced Eisenhower of the need for more rigorous control over covert action”.

Planning Coordination Group (March 1955-December 1955)

The arrangement in NSC 5412 suffered the same problem as the 10/5 Panel;[23] OCB “included more officials than ought to be concerned with secret war.” So on 12 March 1955, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412/1, creating a more senior Planning Coordination Group (PCG) within OCB. Significantly, the directive explicitly charged PCG with approving covert operations. The PCG proved to be a failure; its chairman, Nelson Rockefeller, recommended the abolishment of PCG before year’s end. According to Prados, the problem was that CIA had not been forthcoming with details, latching on to a mention of “need-to-know” in NSC 5412/1. The next directive would solve this by creating a committee “so high-powered there could be no question” of its need to know.

Special Group/303 Committee (December 1955-February 1970)

NSC 5412/2 was approved by Eisenhower on 28 December 1955, a directive which remained in force for 15 years.Paragraph 7 specified the new oversight mechanism:

Except as the President otherwise directs, designated representatives of the Secretary of State and of the Secretary of Defense of the rank of Assistant Secretary or above, and a representative of the President designated for this purpose, shall hereafter be advised in advance of major covert programs initiated by CIA under this policy or as otherwise directed, and shall be the normal channel for giving policy approval for such programs as well as for securing coordination of support therefor among the Departments of State and Defense and the CIA.

The resulting body became known as the 5412 Committee or, from 1957, the Special Group. It was the first time a “designated representative” of the President was included in the process; Eisenhower used his National Security Advisors for this purpose. The DCI was an ex officio member. In 1957, Eisenhower made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff a member as well. In practice the membership of the Special Group varied on an ad hoc basis.

In late 1956, the newly formed PBCFIA, which had turned a candid eye towards covert operations, took issue with the “very informal” procedures of the Special Group. Consequently, an annex to NSC 5412/2 was approved by Eisenhower on 26 March 1957, clarifying project approvals, and for the first time requiring the CIA to circulate “proposal papers” in advance of approval. The board continued to press for more prominence to the Special Group to keep the CIA from freewheeling. Eisenhower himself saw the proper functioning of the Special Group as crucial to fend off initiatives for meaningful congressional oversight of covert operations. On 26 December 1958 Eisenhower asked the Special Group to institute weekly meetings, with the result that “criteria for submission of projects to the Group were, in practice, considerably broadened.”

Kennedy administration

The Special Group fell by the wayside when new administration of John F. Kennedy took office on 20 January 1961; although it remained “in theory intact”, in practice it “took a backseat to meetings at which JFK personally presided”. After the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Special Group returned to prominence, and new procedures were set out in July 1961. In the wake of the scandal, DDP Richard M. Bissell Jr. suggested the name and workings of the Special Group be made public to demonstrate to the American people that the CIA was under effective executive oversight; that did not happen.

A second Special Group (Augmented) existed from November 1961 to the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. The only difference was that it was specifically dedicated to managing the Cuban Project which sought to overthrow Fidel Castro’s regime, and was headed by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. After the Missile Crisis brought the world to the brink of destruction, management of the war against Castro was transferred to discussions in the EXCOMM and NSC proper, before being handed over to an “obscure NSC appendage” known as the Standing Group chaired by National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy.

Johnson administration

The Special Group was renamed to the 303 Committee on 2 June 1964, in response to the publication of the book The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, which made the old name public. A NSC staffer had recommended the new name be “something utterly drab and innocuous” to deflect away attention. The number refers to the national security directive which effected the change, NSAM 303.Alternatively, the Encyclopedia of the Central Intelligence Agency by W. Thomas Smith Jr. claims the name derives from “a room number in the executive office complex in Washington D.C.”

40 Committee

On 17 February 1970, President Richard Nixon approved NSDM 40, superseding and revoking NSC 5412/2, and replacing the 303 Committee with the 40 Committee. Among the few substantive changes introduced by Nixon was the inclusion of Attorney General John N. Mitchell and a requirement to review covert programs annually. Like earlier, public exposure was the motive for changing the name; National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger explained to Nixon that “In view of recent mention of the 303 Committee in the public media, the directive changes the committee name to coincide with the number assigned to the NSDM itself, which is 40.”

Nixon and Kissinger, who was charged with overseeing all covert operations on Nixon’s behalf, kept the 40 Committee out of the loop on almost all the major and sensitive decisions, and the 40 Committee stopped having meetings; in 1972 it only met once.

Operations Advisory Group

On February 18, 1976, 40 committee was replaced by the Operations Advisory Group, in accordance with Executive Order 11905 issued by Gerald Ford. The new group was composed of the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs, the Secretaries of State and Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Director of Central Intelligence.

NSC Special Coordination Committee

The following year, on May 13, 1977, President Jimmy Carter issued Executive Order 11985 which updated the previous order, and renamed the Operations Advisory Group to the NSC Special Coordination Committee (SCC).

National Security Planning Group

Under the Reagan administration, the Special Coordination Committee was replaced by the National Security Planning Group (NSPG) which included the Vice-President, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State, the Assistant for National Security Affairs, and the Director of the CIA. One level below the NSPG was the Policy Coordination Group (PCG), first known as the Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG); one source describes the PCG as the actual successor to the Special Coordination Committee.

Special Intelligence Office

In 2002-2003, during the Bush Administration, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith created a special-purpose group encompassing and focusing on all military and intelligence efforts involving Iraq, Afghanistan, and other Near East countries, as well as all activities falling under the rubric of the Global War on Terror. This group has been said to have been responsible for stovepiping selective raw intelligence data, bypassing analysis processes as well as bypassing customary cooperation and coordination with NSA, Mossad, and other intelligence entities in order to shape decisions as to the war with Iraq. Its functions were morphed in the Office of Special Plans, which was subsequently investigated for manipulations of intelligence, unlawful activities, and espionage.

Fletcher Prouty offers a rare glimpse of the “Power Elite” as described by Buckminster Fuller, or “The High Cabal” as Winston Churchill refered to them; and how they really operate. Those who have not been in a position to witness events such as these from the inside would not understand how invisible but ultimately effective they and their power structures are.

In 1955 under VP Richard Nixon and the National Security Council USAF officer Prouty was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

What is not generally known about the complex Indonesian struggle is the role that was played by the then Vice President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, and the bitter aftermath that involved the sudden ouster of Allen Dulles’ protege, Frank Wisner, who at that time was the head of the clandestine arm of the CIA. After Watergate, when Anthony Lukas wrote in his book Nightmare, about the growing mistrust between Nixon and the Director of Central Intelligence, Richard Helms, he could have added that since the 1958 Indonesian rebellion there were many in the CIA who made a career of hating Nixon because of what he had done to Frank Wisner, among others.

The Indonesian attache was wined and dined and encouraged to talk more. Reasons for the attache’s return to Indonesia on official business were successfully arranged. He was accompanied by CIA agents traveling under the cover of “U.S. military” personnel. During this visit they spoke with rebel leaders. They learned enough about the potential strength of this opposition to encourage the CIA to set in motion its biggest operation up to that date.

In the Pentagon there are thousands of nondescript offices in which all sorts of tasks are done. One of these unobtrusive offices was an Air Force Plans Division office. One day in 1958 two men from the CIA entered that office. After being identified they were permitted entrance to an interior office that was the “Focal Point” office for all U.S. Air Force Support of the clandestine operations of the CIA. I Col Prouty had established that office in 1955 on orders from Gen. Thomas D. White, then Chief of Staff of the Air Force. This came about after several meetings with Allen W. Dulles, the Director of Central Intelligence, and others. When the CIA men entered that office in 1958, I was still in charge.

The agents outlined the Indonesian Plan, the Philippine support and training program, and told me about their own special operations staff that had been put together specifically for this vast project. Then they urgently requested light bombardment aircraft and long-range transport aircraft. We decided to take a number of twin engine B-26 aircraft out of mothball storage, put them through a retrofit line, and modify them so that they could be armed with a special 50-caliber machine gun package of eight guns, in the nose of the plane. This would give the B-26 more firepower than it ever had during the Korean War or World War II. The project was given top priority and covered in deep secrecy. Programs for pilot training and the recruitment of “mercenaries” were established.

Concurrent with our work the CIA was putting together a “wartime” operational staff. Lt. Gen. Earl Barnes, who had been a senior air commander during World War II under Gen. Douglas MacArthur, was brought in to run all clandestine air activities.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans serving under fired by JFK Richard Bissle JR, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles (also fired by JFK) was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

The rebellion flared sporadically from one end of Indonesia to the other.

While the CIA was supporting up to 100,000 rebels, the State Department professed innocence. The U.S. ambassador, Howard P. Jones, maintained that the United States had nothing to do with the rebellion and he protested the capture of the American oil properties. On the other hand, Sukarno had asked for more arms aid from the United States. He must have had strong suspicions about the source of rebel support. The vast number of guns, the bombers and heavy air transport aircraft dropping hundreds of tons of arms and equipment, as well as submarines supporting beach operations were just too sophisticated to be anything but major power ploys.

Thus, his appeal for U.S. arms aid had the ring of gamesmanship.

Playing along with the game, John Foster Dulles of Eisehower Nixon State Department issued a statement saying that the United States would not provide arms to either side.

Operation 40 from Spartacus Educational

On 11th December, 1959, Colonel Joseph Caldwell King, chief of CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division, sent a confidential memorandum to Allen W. Dulles, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. King argued that in Cuba there existed a “far-left dictatorship, which if allowed to remain will encourage similar actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries.”

As a result of this memorandum Dulles established Operation 40. It obtained this name because originally there were 40 agents involved in the operation. Later this was expanded to 70 agents. The group was presided over by Richard Nixon. Tracy Barnes became operating officer of what was also called the Cuban Task Force. The first meeting chaired by Barnes took place in his office on 18th January, 1960, and was attended by David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Jack Esterline, and Frank Bender.

According to Fabian Escalante, a senior officer of the Cuban Department of State Security (G-2), in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an “important group of businessmen headed by George Bush (Snr.) and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation”. (2) This suggests that Operation 40 agents were involved in freelance work.

It is known that at this time that George Bush and Jack Crichton were involved in covert right-wing activities. In 1990 Common Cause Magazinemagazine argued that: “The CIA put millionaire and agent George Bush in charge of recruiting exiled Cubans for the CIA’s invading army; Bush was working with another Texan oil magnate, Jack Crichton, who helped him in terms of the invasion.” (3) This story was linked to the release of “a memorandum in that context addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed November 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA” (4)

Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo claim that in 1959 George Bush was asked “to cooperate in funding the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to create”. The man “assigned to him for his new mission” was Féliz Rodríguez.

Daniel Hopsicker also takes the view that Operation 40 involved private funding. In the book, Barry and the Boys: The CIA, the Mob and America’s Secret History, he claims that Richard Nixon had established Operation 40 as a result of pressure from American corporations which had suffered at the hands of Fidel Castro.

Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin have argued that George Bush was very close to members of Operation 40 in the early 1960s. In September, 1963, Bush launched his Senate campaign. At that time, right-wing Republicans were calling on John F. Kennedy to take a more aggressive approach towards Castro. For example, in one speech Barry Goldwater said: “I advocate the recognition of a Cuban government in exile and would encourage this government every way to reclaim its country. This means financial and military assistance.” Bush took a more extreme position than Goldwater and called for a “new government-in-exile invasion of Cuba”. As Tarpley and Chaitkin point out, beneficiaries of this policy would have been “Theodore Shackley, who was by now the station chief of CIA Miami Station, Felix Rodriguez, Chi Chi Quintero, and the rest of the boys” from Operation 40.

Paul Kangas is another investigator who has claimed that George Bush was involved with members of Operation 40. In an article published in The Realist in 1990, Kangas claims: “Among other members of the CIA recruited by George Bush for (the attacks on Cuba) were Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quintero.” In an article published in Granma in January, 2006, the journalists Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo argued that “Another of Bush’s recruits for the Bay of Pigs invasion, Rafael Quintero, who was also part of this underworld of organizations and conspiracies against Cuba, stated: If I was to tell what I know about Dallas and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the greatest scandal that has ever rocked the nation.”

Fabian Escalante names William Pawley as being one of those who was lobbying for the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. (9) Escalante points out that Pawley had played a similar role in the CIA overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala. Interestingly, the CIA assembled virtually the same team that was involved in the removal of Arbenz: Tracey Barnes, Richard Bissell, David Morales, David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Rip Robertson and Henry Hecksher. Added to this list was several agents who had been involved in undercover operations in Germany: Ted Shackley, Tom Clines and William Harvey.

According to Daniel Hopsicker, the following were also involved in Operation 40: Edwin Wilson, Barry Seal, William Seymour, Frank Sturgis and Gerry Hemming. (10) It has also been pointed out that Operation 40 was not only involved in trying to overthrow Fidel Castro. Sturgis has claimed: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents.”

At times he would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequalled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

Fletcher Prouty offers a rare glimpse of the “Power Elite” as described by Buckminster Fuller, or “The High Cabal” as Winston Churchill refered to them; and how they really operate. Those who have not been in a position to witness events such as these from the inside would not understand how invisible but ultimately effective they and their power structures are.

Fletcher wrote, lectured, spoke on Radio shows, and was on Television many times, often regarding political intrigue from Watergate to the JFK Assassination. Of course he worked with Oliver Stone, Jim Garrison, and Zachary Sklar on the film “JFK”

Fletcher Prouty was one of the most warm and amiable men you could ever meet. Almost endlessly, people from around the world came to visit and interview him. All you had to do was ask and he would give of his time. It will be his selfless and dogged effort to educate and inform that I feel he will be remembered for.

Whenever I was at his upstairs office at his home there was always a stack of letters that he would be replying to. Not a few, but a stack!

He wrote two books and close to 100 articles for various publications. I know he was very proud of everything thing he had written, but especially his two books, “The Secret Team”, and “JFK, Vietnam The CIA, And The Plot to Assassinate JFK”

Some CV information on Col Prouty

Col. L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF)

Born: Springfield, Mass., January 24, 1917. Attended public schools. President, High School Student Government. Member, undefeated Golf Team. Vocalist with Big Bands, sang in most large dance halls, hotels and colleges in Northeast. Graduate: Mass. State College 1941, A.B. degree and 2nd Lt. Commission, U.S. Cavalry.

June 1941

Began military career with 4th Armored Division, Pine Camp, NY. At Communications Officer School, Ft. Knox, KY, on December 7, 1941[Pearl Harbor]. Transferred to Air Force 1942. Earned Pilot’s wings November, 1942. Arrived British West Africa [Ghana], February 1943 as pilot with Air Transport Command.

Assigned to V.I.P. flying, summer 1943. Personal pilot for Gen. Omar Bradley, Gen. J. C. H. Lee and Gen. C. R. Smith (Founder and President – American Airlines), among others. Landed U.S. Geological Survey Team in Saudi Arabia, Oct 1943, to confirm oil discoveries for Cairo Conference.

Assigned special duties at Cairo and Teheran Conferences, November-December 1943. Flew Chiang Kai Shek’s Chinese delegation (T.V. Soong’s delegates) to Teheran.

Chief Pilot (1,200 pilots), Cairo for Air Transport Command. Led special air mission into Soviet Union, and others into Turkey, 1944. Evacuated “Guns of Navaronne” British commandos from Turkey to Palestine. Assisted in capture of leader of German Gold smuggling ring (The actor, Bruce Cabot) in Turkey and Cairo. Led large flight of transport aircraft to Turkish-Syrian border to evacuate 750 American POW’s and OSS-selected Ex-Nazi Intelligence experts from the Balkans, September 1944. The first “overt” Cold War mission.

1945

Transferred to SW Pacific, flew in New Guinea, Leyte and was on Okinawa at end of war. Landed near Tokyo at surrender with first three planes carrying Gen. MacArthur’s bodyguard troops. Flew out with American POWs. Photographed Hiroshima, that date. (With James Paul Donegan, recon P-51 pilot in the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing air wings?)

1946-49

Assigned by Army to Yale University to begin first USAF ROTC program. Taught “Aeronautics” and “Evolution of Warfare”. Transferred to U.S. Air Force ROTC headquarters to write college text books. Wrote the college textbook on “Aeronautics” and another on “Rockets and Missiles”.

1950-52

Transferred to Colorado Springs to establish Air Defense Command. There, Director, Personnel Planning for Command (77,000 men) and first to put personnel records on Computer. Attended Nuclear Weapons school, Sandia, N.M. Selected for Air Force Command and Staff College, Montgomery, Ala.

1952-54 Assigned to Korean War duties in Japan. Military Manager, Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during Occupation. Commander, Military Air Transport Service, Heavy Transport Squadron responsible for military and diplomatic flights from Toyko to Saudi Arabia and back, in addition to daily flights to Korea, Honolulu and Pacific Islands. Founder, Toyko Toastmasters Club. Attended, JCS operated Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, 1955

1955-1964

Assigned to Headquarters, U.S. Air Force and directed to create an Air Force world-wide system for “Military Support of the Clandestine Operations of the CIA”, as required by a new National Security Council Directive, 5412 of March, 1954. Wrote this policy in conjunction with Air Force General Counsel and CIA’s General Counsel. Set up a TOP SECRET world wide support force and communications system. Was sent around the world by the Director, Central Intelligence, Allen W. Dulles, to meet the CIA Station Chiefs, 1956. Directed Air Force participation in countless CIA operations during this period. As a result of a CIA Commendation for this work, awarded the Legion of Merit by the Air Force, promoted to Colonel and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense to carry out this same type of work for all military services. Assigned to the Office of Special Operations.

With the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency by Secretary McNamara and the abolishment of the OSO, was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to create a similar, world-wide office and was the Chief of Special Operations, with the Joint Staff all during 1962-1963.

Received orders to travel as the Military Escort officer for a group of VIPs who were being flown to the South Pole, Nov 10 – Nov 28, 1963, to activate a Nuclear Power plant for heat, light and sea water desalination at the U.S. Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica.

Retired as Colonel, U.S. Air Force, 1964 and was awarded one of the first three Joint Chiefs of Staff Commendation Medals by General Maxwell Taylor, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.

1964-1965

VP International Operations, General Aircraft Corporation… a company created by MIT and Harvard specialists that designed and built aircraft that were used by the CIA and Army Special Forces.

After the war, Prouty accepted an assignment from the U.S. Army in September 1945 to inaugurate the ROTC program at Yale University, where he also taught during each scholastic year from 1946 to 1948. This timeline intersects with the years that George Bush and William F. Buckley, Jr. also spent at Yale. Prouty fondly recalled Buckley at that time in his role as editor of the Yale Daily News, and Prouty later told an interviewer in 1989 that he had written for Buckley on several occasions.

In 1950 he transferred to Colorado Springs to build Air Defense Command. From 1952 to 1954 he was assigned to Korean War duties in Japan, where he served as Military Manager for Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during the post-war U.S. occupation.

In 1955 he was assigned to the coordination of operations between the fledgling U.S. Air Force and the CIA.[1] As a result of a CIA commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the U.S. Air Force, promoted to colonel, and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense.[citation needed]

Following the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency and termination of the OSO by Secretary Robert McNamara, Prouty was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and charged with the creation a similar organization on a global scale.

From 1962 to 1963 he served as Chief of Special Operations with the Joint Staff. In an chance encounter with Edward Lansdale in the hallways of the Pentagon, a “month or two before” the assassination (as Prouty tells it), Lansdale informed Prouty he had arranged for him [Prouty] to accompany a group of VIPs to the South Pole from November 10 to 23, in the capacity of Military Escort officer.

The ostensible purpose of the trip was the activation of a nuclear power plant at the United States Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica, to provide heat, light, and sea water desalination.[citation needed] Prouty later described his confusion at the unusual assignment, but he expected the job to be a “paid vacation” and accepted the task.

Prouty retired in 1964 as a colonel in the U.S. Air Force. As recognition of his long and distinguished career in the service of his country, he was awarded one of the first three Joint Service Commendation Medals by General Maxwell D. Taylor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

Charles Pearre Cabell (October 11, 1903 – May 25, 1971) was a United States Air Force general and Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (1953-1962) and likely also knew James Paul Donegan my father more on James Paul Donegan and he kennedys and Prouty much later.

Charles P. Cabell was born in Dallas, Texas on October 11, 1903, the son of Ben E. (son of Confederate general William L. Cabell) and Sadie E. (Pearre) Cabell.[1][2] He attended Oak Cliff High School in Dallas, Texas, and graduated from West Point in 1925.[2][3] He was initially commissioned as an artillery lieutenant and served in the field artillery until 1931, when he went to flying school, and was transferred to the Air Corps.

In February 1942, Cabell was assigned as assistant executive for technical planning and coordination in the Office of the Chief of the Air Corps, and promoted to colonel. During the summer of 1943, he attended the first course of the Army and Navy Staff College. In late 1943, he was transferred to the Eighth Air Force and assumed command of the 45th Combat Bombardment Wing. In April 1944, he became director of plans for the U.S. Strategic Air Force in Europe, and later that year, having achieved the rank of brigadier general, became director of operations and intelligence for the Mediterranean Air Forces. During the war he served both at air force headquarters at the Pentagon and in the European Theater.

In May 1945, he was assigned to Air Force headquarters as chief of the Strategy and Policy Division. In December 1945, he was detailed to the United Nations Military Staff Committee, where he held roles as deputy and chief U.S. Air Force delegate to the committee. In August 1947, he was promoted major general and returned to Air Force headquarters, serving in planning and intelligence roles, and became director of Air Force Intelligence in May 1948. In 1949, Cabell set up Project Grudge to “make a study reviewing the UFO situation for AF HQ.” However, Grudge quickly became all but moribund, while simultaneously reporting that all UFO cases were being closely investigated. When Cabell learned of this, he ordered Grudge dissolved and ordered that the “open minded”[4] Project Blue Book be created.

He held this director of Air Force Intelligence post until 1951, before being made director of the staff for the Joint Chiefs of Staff from November 1951 to 1953. During this time, he was promoted to lieutenant general.[citation needed] In 1952, he was an enthusiastic promoter of the U-2 spy plane, along with Allen Welsh Dulles and John Foster Dulles.

CIA career

On April 23, 1953, while still an active air force officer, he was appointed Deputy Director of the CIA under Allen Dulles. In 1956, along with the CIA’s Richard Bissell, he flew to Bonn, to brief the West German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, on the ultra-secret U-2 spy plane. Cabell personally negotiated with Chancellor Adenauer for permission to station the U-2 in Wiesbaden and from there to fly over the Soviet Union illegally. It was the U-2 program that allowed CIA chief Allen Dulles to sabotage the peace summit between Khrushchev and Eisenhower.

Cabell was promoted to full general in 1958[6] and retired from active duty effective January 31, 1962.

Cabell was forced to resign as deputy director by President Kennedy on January 31, 1962, following the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion.[8] Cabell’s brother, Earle Cabell, was Mayor of Dallas when Kennedy visited that city and was assassinated, on November 22, 1963.

JFK assassination

One hypothesis regarding the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy implicates Cabell and several other CIA officials, including James Jesus Angleton and William King Harvey, as well as the “three tramps”, and Cabell’s brother Earle Cabell.

During Jim Garrison’s 1973 bribery trial, tape recordings from March 1971 revealed that Garrison considered publicly implicating Cabell of conspiracy in the assassination after learning he was the brother of the Dallas mayor.[11] Theorizing that a plot to kill the President was masterminded out of New Orleans in conjunction with the CIA with cooperation from the Dallas police department and city government, Garrison tasked his chief investigator, Pershing Gervais, of looking into the possibility that Cabell had stayed in the city’s Fontainebleau Motel at the time of the assassination.[11] The Washington Post reported that there was no evidence that Gervais ever followed through with the request and that there was no further mention of Cabell in Garrison’s investigation.

Personal life

Cabell was married to Jacklyn DeHymel in 1934; they had two sons, Charles P. Cabell, Jr. and Benjamin Cabell IV, and one daughter, Catharine C. Bennett. He left an autobiography, A Man of Intelligence: Memoirs of War, Peace and the CIA, published in 1997. His oldest son Charles was also an Air Force officer and West Point graduate (Class of 1958), achieving the rank of brigadier general.

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY

WASHINGTON 25, D. C.

OFFICE OF DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE – 6 JAN 1958

MEMORANDUM FOR: CHIEF OF STAFF, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE

SUBJECT: Commendation of Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, 7730A

  1. I am pleased to call to your attention the exceptionally fine assistance and cooperation extended to the several components of the Central Intelligence Agency by Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, Chief, Team B, Subsidiary Plans Division, Directorate of Plans, DCS/P&P [Directorate of Clandestine Services and Projects and Planning under Richard Bissle Jr.], Headquarters USAF.

  2. Since his assignment as Chief of Team B, in August 1955, Colonel Prouty has been called upon frequently to assist this Agency in the support of sensitive activities of the greatest importance to the National Security. His effective assistance and numerous contributions to the solution of varied and difficult problems have been consistently successful and have marked him as an outstanding officer of unusual professional competence and potential.

  3. Colonel Prouty’s keen understanding of the many unique and complex problems which confront both the operational and support elements of this Agency and his personal interest and application to them have consistently produced efficient and outstanding results.

  4. It is recommended that this letter of commendation be placed in Colonel Prouty’s personnel folder.

C. P. CABELL

Lieutenant General, USAF

Deputy Director

Oversight of United States covert operations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Executive oversight of United States covert operations has been carried out by a series of sub-committees of the National Security Council (NSC).

Birth of covert operations in the Cold War

At the beginning of the Cold War, it was not inevitable that covert operations would become the dominion of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[1] The National Security Act of 1947 did not explicitly authorize the CIA to conduct covert operations, although Section 102(d)(5) was sufficiently vague to permit abuse.[2][3] At the very first meetings of the NSC in late 1947, the perceived necessity to “stem the flow of communism” in Western Europe-particularly Italy-by overt and covert “psychological warfare” forced the issue.[1] The actual responsibility for these operations was a hot potato, and when it was decided that the State Department would be in charge, Secretary of State George Marshall sharply opposed it, fearing it would tarnish the international credibility of his department. The upshot was that responsibility for covert operations was passed on to the CIA; this was codified in a NSC policy paper called NSC 4-A,[4] approved in December 1947.[1] NSC 4-A provided the authorization for the intervention of the CIA in the Italian elections of April 1948.[5]

Proposed NSC 4-A Panel

A draft[6] of NSC 4-A envisioned the creation of a NSC-designated “panel” to approve operations. The executive secretary of the NSC, Sidney Souers, recommended that the panel be composed of representatives from the departments of State, Army, Navy and Air Force, as well an “observer” representative from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.[7] This provision was dropped in the final version, which simply stated that the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) “is charged with ensuring that [covert] psychological operations are consistent with U.S. foreign policy and overt foreign information activities, and that appropriate agencies of the U.S. Government, …, are kept informed of such operations which will directly affect them.”

From NSC 10/2 to NSC 5412 (June 1948-March 1955)

According to the Church Committee, throughout the period June 1948 to March 1955, “NSC directives provided for consultation with representatives of State and Defense”. But “these representatives had no approval function. There was no formal procedure or committee to consider and approve projects.

NSC 10/2 Panel

The arrangement in NSC 4-A did not please the influential director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff (S/P), George F. Kennan.[9] Under his leadership, a S/P paper titled “The inauguration of organized political warfare”[10] was circulated in the NSC in early May 1948, which said that “there are two major types of political warfare-one overt and the other covert. Both, from their basic nature, should be directed and coordinated by the Department of State.” Yet Kennan wanted to have his cake and eat it too: the paper made it clear that the State Department should not be formally associated with the conduct of covert operations.[9] Then the Joint Chiefs of Staff entered the fray by guarding its prerogatives, particularly in wartime, especially in theatres of war.[11] As a result of the controversy spurred by Kennan, NSC 4-A was replaced by NSC 10/2,[12] approved by President Harry Truman on 18 June 1948, creating the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). Kennan was still not satisfied and continued to press for State control, hoping that his choice for OPC director, Frank Wisner, would be loyal to the State Department-he was not.

NSC 10/2 was the first presidential document which specified a mechanism to approve and manage covert operations, and also the first in which the term “covert operations” was defined.[14] NSC 10/2 charged the DCI with “Ensuring, through designated representatives of the Secretary of State and of the Secretary of Defense, that covert operations are planned and conducted in a manner consistent with US foreign and military policies and with overt activities.”[12] The representatives to this “10/2 Panel”, also known as the “OPC Consultants”,[15] were Kennan for State (1948-1950) and Joseph McNarney for Defense (1948-1949).[16] The panel, which met about once a week, was supplanted from January 1950 on by the regular attendance of a representative from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.[17] According to Anne Karalekas, a Church Committee staffer, it did not constrain the OPC:

[The 10/2 Panel was] not an approval body, and there was no formal mechanism whereby individual projects had to be brought before [it] for discussion. Because it was assumed that covert action would be exceptional, strict provisions for specific project authorization were not considered necessary. With minimal supervision from State and Defense and with a shared agreement on the nature of the OPC mission, individuals in OPC could take the initiative in conceiving and implementing projects.[16]

In the first half of its existence, OPC was not really under CIA’s control. In the words of Edward P. Lilly, DCI Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter, “although authorized by NSC-10/2 to supervise OPC, had allowed OPC to go its own way.” OPC was brought under CIA control in October 1950, when Walter Bedell Smith became DCI.[18] OPC was merged on 1 August 1952 with the CIA branch responsible for espionage, the Office of Special Operations (OSO), to form the Directorate of Plans (DDP).

NSC 10/5 Panel

Truman swelled the bureaucracy on 4 April 1951 when he established the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB). DCI Smith, seeking more high-level policy guidance, wanted the PSB “to replace the 10/2 Panel as approval body”;[19] this proposal was adopted by the NSC.[16] NSC 10/5[20] tried to specify the purpose of the PSB. The 10/2 Panel, which continued to function,[21] was replaced in February 1952 by an enlarged 10/5 Panel, which also included PSB staff.[22] According to an internal CIA review from 1967, the 10/5 Panel “functioned much as the 10/2 Panel had, but the resulting procedures proved cumbersome and potentially insecure.”

According to John Prados, the CIA cut the PSB out of the loop, establishing instead an internal mechanism for approval of operations.[24] In 1953, DCI Smith said that the PSB was “incompetent and its work irrelevant”.

“As the Truman administration ended”, writes the Office of the Historian,

CIA was near the peak of its independence and authority in the field of covert action. Although CIA continued to seek and receive advice on specific projects from the NSC, the PSB, and the departmental representatives originally delegated to advise OPC, no group or officer outside of the DCI and the President himself had authority to order, approve, manage, or curtail operations.[26]

Enter Eisenhower

The Eisenhower administration took office on 20 January 1953. When Eisenhower replaced the PSB with the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB) on 2 September 1953, he also did away with the 10/5 Panel, reverting to “a smaller group identical to the former 10/2 Panel, without OCB staff participation.”[23] On 15 March 1954, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412,[27] which required CIA to consult with OCB.[23] Although Eisenhower would later congratulate the CIA with its success in deposing Guatemala’s democratically elected President, Jacobo Árbenz, he was privately irked by CIA’s unauthorized bombing of SS Springfjord. According to Prados, that incident “convinced Eisenhower of the need for more rigorous control over covert action”.[28]

Planning Coordination Group (March 1955-December 1955)

The arrangement in NSC 5412 suffered the same problem as the 10/5 Panel;[23] OCB “included more officials than ought to be concerned with secret war.”[29] So on 12 March 1955, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412/1,[30] creating a more senior Planning Coordination Group (PCG) within OCB. Significantly, the directive explicitly charged PCG with approving covert operations.[31] The PCG proved to be a failure; its chairman, Nelson Rockefeller, recommended the abolishment of PCG before year’s end.[32] According to Prados, the problem was that CIA had not been forthcoming with details, latching on to a mention of “need-to-know” in NSC 5412/1. The next directive would solve this by creating a committee “so high-powered there could be no question” of its need to know.[29]

Special Group/303 Committee (December 1955-February 1970)

NSC 5412/2[33] was approved by Eisenhower on 28 December 1955, a directive which remained in force for 15 years.[31] Paragraph 7 specified the new oversight mechanism:

Except as the President otherwise directs, designated representatives of the Secretary of State and of the Secretary of Defense of the rank of Assistant Secretary or above, and a representative of the President designated for this purpose, shall hereafter be advised in advance of major covert programs initiated by CIA under this policy or as otherwise directed, and shall be the normal channel for giving policy approval for such programs as well as for securing coordination of support therefor among the Departments of State and Defense and the CIA.

The resulting body became known as the 5412 Committee or, from 1957, the Special Group.[34][note 1] It was the first time a “designated representative” of the President was included in the process;[31] Eisenhower used his National Security Advisors for this purpose.[35] The DCI was an ex officio member.[36] In 1957, Eisenhower made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff a member as well.[37] In practice the membership of the Special Group varied on an ad hoc basis.

In late 1956, the newly formed PBCFIA, which had turned a candid eye towards covert operations, took issue with the “very informal” procedures of the Special Group.[39][40] Consequently, an annex[41] to NSC 5412/2 was approved by Eisenhower on 26 March 1957, clarifying project approvals, and for the first time requiring the CIA to circulate “proposal papers” in advance of approval.[40] The board continued to press for more prominence to the Special Group to keep the CIA from freewheeling. Eisenhower himself saw the proper functioning of the Special Group as crucial to fend off initiatives for meaningful congressional oversight of covert operations.[42] On 26 December 1958 Eisenhower asked the Special Group to institute weekly meetings,[37] with the result that “criteria for submission of projects to the Group were, in practice, considerably broadened.”

Kennedy administration

The Special Group fell by the wayside when new administration of John F. Kennedy took office on 20 January 1961; although it remained “in theory intact”, in practice it “took a backseat to meetings at which JFK personally presided”.[44][note 2] After the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Special Group returned to prominence,[43] and new procedures were set out in July 1961.[47] In the wake of the scandal, DDP Richard M. Bissell Jr. suggested the name and workings of the Special Group be made public to demonstrate to the American people that the CIA was under effective executive oversight; that did not happen.

A second Special Group (Augmented) existed from November 1961 to the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962.[26] The only difference was that it was specifically dedicated to managing the Cuban Project which sought to overthrow Fidel Castro’s regime, and was headed by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.[49] After the Missile Crisis brought the world to the brink of destruction, management of the war against Castro was transferred to discussions in the EXCOMM and NSC proper, before being handed over to an “obscure NSC appendage” known as the Standing Group chaired by National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy.[50]

Johnson administration

The Special Group was renamed to the 303 Committee on 2 June 1964, in response to the publication of the book The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, which made the old name public.[51] A NSC staffer had recommended the new name be “something utterly drab and innocuous” to deflect away attention.[52] The number refers to the national security directive which effected the change, NSAM 303.[52][53] Alternatively, the Encyclopedia of the Central Intelligence Agency by W. Thomas Smith Jr. claims the name derives from “a room number in the executive office complex in Washington D.C.”[54]

40 Committee

On 17 February 1970, President Richard Nixon approved NSDM 40,[55] superseding and revoking NSC 5412/2, and replacing the 303 Committee with the 40 Committee. Among the few substantive changes introduced by Nixon was the inclusion of Attorney General John N. Mitchell and a requirement to review covert programs annually.[56] Like earlier, public exposure was the motive for changing the name; National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger explained to Nixon that “In view of recent mention of the 303 Committee in the public media, the directive changes the committee name to coincide with the number assigned to the NSDM itself, which is 40.”[57]

Nixon and Kissinger, who was charged with overseeing all covert operations on Nixon’s behalf,[58][54] kept the 40 Committee out of the loop on almost all the major and sensitive decisions, and the 40 Committee stopped having meetings; in 1972 it only met once.[56]

Operations Advisory Group

On February 18, 1976, 40 committee was replaced by the Operations Advisory Group, in accordance with Executive Order 11905 issued by Gerald Ford. The new group was composed of the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs, the Secretaries of State and Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Director of Central Intelligence.

NSC Special Coordination Committee

The following year, on May 13, 1977, President Jimmy Carter issued Executive Order 11985 which updated the previous order, and renamed the Operations Advisory Group to the NSC Special Coordination Committee (SCC).

National Security Planning Group

Under the Reagan administration, the Special Coordination Committee was replaced by the National Security Planning Group (NSPG) which included the Vice-President, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State, the Assistant for National Security Affairs, and the Director of the CIA.[61] One level below the NSPG was the Policy Coordination Group (PCG), first known as the Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG); one source describes the PCG as the actual successor to the Special Coordination Committee.[62]

Special Intelligence Office

In 2002-2003, during the Bush Administration, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith created a special-purpose group encompassing and focusing on all military and intelligence efforts involving Iraq, Afghanistan, and other Near East countries, as well as all activities falling under the rubric of the Global War on Terror. This group has been said to have been responsible for stovepiping selective raw intelligence data, bypassing analysis processes as well as bypassing customary cooperation and coordination with NSA, Mossad, and other intelligence entities in order to shape decisions as to the war with Iraq. Its functions were morphed in the Office of Special Plans, which was subsequently investigated for manipulations of intelligence, unlawful activities, and espionage.[63]

Fletcher Prouty offers a rare glimpse of the “Power Elite” as described by Buckminster Fuller, or “The High Cabal” as Winston Churchill refered to them; and how they really operate. Those who have not been in a position to witness events such as these from the inside would not understand how invisible but ultimately effective they and their power structures are.

In 1955 under VP Richard Nixon and the National Security Council USAF officer Prouty was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

What is not generally known about the complex Indonesian struggle is the role that was played by the then Vice President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, and the bitter aftermath that involved the sudden ouster of Allen Dulles’ protege, Frank Wisner, who at that time was the head of the clandestine arm of the CIA. After Watergate, when Anthony Lukas wrote in his book Nightmare, about the growing mistrust between Nixon and the Director of Central Intelligence, Richard Helms, he could have added that since the 1958 Indonesian rebellion there were many in the CIA who made a career of hating Nixon because of what he had done to Frank Wisner, among others.

The Indonesian campaign began rather casually as so many CIA ventures do. Few if any ever originate at the top.

During an unguarded conversation in Washington the Indonesian military attache mentioned earlier made it known to certain U.S. military acquaintances that there were many prominent and strong people in Indonesia who would be ready to rise against Sukarno if they were given a little support and encouragement from the United States. It happened that one of those U.S. military friends he talked to was not a military man at all, but a member of the CIA. The provocative words got back to Frank Wisner, then the Deputy Director of Plans. He was in charge of the CIA’s clandestine activity and he authorized agents to follow up on that first conversation.

The Indonesian attache was wined and dined and encouraged to talk more. Reasons for the attache’s return to Indonesia on official business were successfully arranged. He was accompanied by CIA agents traveling under the cover of “U.S. military” personnel. During this visit they spoke with rebel leaders. They learned enough about the potential strength of this opposition to encourage the CIA to set in motion its biggest operation up to that date.

Donald Barr and Thorkill Kristenson and Goerge Ball would be part of it grooming Barrack Obama Jr.

In the Pentagon there are thousands of nondescript offices in which all sorts of tasks are done. One of these unobtrusive offices was an Air Force Plans Division office. One day in 1958 two men from the CIA entered that office. After being identified they were permitted entrance to an interior office that was the “Focal Point” office for all U.S. Air Force Support of the clandestine operations of the CIA. I had established that office in 1955 on orders from Gen. Thomas D. White, then Chief of Staff of the Air Force. This came about after several meetings with Allen W. Dulles, the Director of Central Intelligence, and others. When the CIA men entered that office in 1958, I was still in charge.

The agents outlined the Indonesian Plan, the Philippine support and training program, and told me about their own special operations staff that had been put together specifically for this vast project. Then they urgently requested light bombardment aircraft and long-range transport aircraft. We decided to take a number of twin engine B-26 aircraft out of mothball storage, put them through a retrofit line, and modify them so that they could be armed with a special 50-caliber machine gun package of eight guns, in the nose of the plane. This would give the B-26 more firepower than it ever had during the Korean War or World War II. The project was given top priority and covered in deep secrecy. Programs for pilot training and the recruitment of “mercenaries” were established.

Concurrent with our work the CIA was putting together a “wartime” operational staff. Lt. Gen. Earl Barnes, who had been a senior air commander during World War II under Gen. Douglas MacArthur, was brought in to run all clandestine air activities.

At that time Gen. Lyman L. Lemnitzer was Commander in Chief of the Ryukyu Command on Okinawa. One day he received a call from General David M. Shoup, the U.S. Marine Commander on Okinawa, asking if the Army could spare 14,000 rifles for a Marine requirement. Surprised at the Marine request for such a large order of guns, Lemnitzer acquiesced nonetheless and ordered the transfer of these weapons on the condition that they would be quickly replaced.

High on the ridge line of central Okinawa overlooking the city of Naha there was a modest size “Army” installation that hustled with considerable activity. This was the main CIA operational base in the Far East. It was under the direction of Ted Shannon, one of the Agency’s most powerful agents. It was Shannon’s office that had actually requested 42,000 rifles from General Shoup and since the order was so large Shoup had been unable to supply them, and had therefore borrowed 14,000 from the Army.

On nearby Taiwan, the CIA had another large facility – a “Navy” base known as the Naval Auxiliary Communication Center (NACC). This “Comm Center” controlled a large and very active air base a few miles south of Taiwan’s capital, Taipei, and the huge Air America facilities near Taipei and the city of Tainan.

The B-26 bombers were ready to fly and a special ferrying arrangement was made with the Air Force to fly them across the Pacific to the Philippines and Menado.

Rebel Indonesians, trained and equipped in the Philippines, were returned to Sumatra. Some were air-dropped and others landed on the beach from submarines that the U.S. Navy was operating, in support of the CIA, in the oceans south of Indonesia near the Christmas Islands.

The war was on.

On Feb. 9, 1958, rebel Colonel Maluddin Simbolon issued an ultimatum in the name of a provincial government, the Central Sumatran Revolutionary Council, calling for the formation of a new central government. Sukarno refused and called upon his loyal army commander, General Abdul Haris Nasution, to destroy the rebel forces. By Feb. 21 loyal forces had been airlifted to Sumatra and had begun the attack. The rebel headquarters was in the southern coastal city of Padang. Rebel strongholds stretched all the way to Medan, near the northern end of the island and not far from Malaysia.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

The rebellion flared sporadically from one end of Indonesia to the other.

While the CIA was supporting up to 100,000 rebels, the State Department professed innocence. The U.S. ambassador, Howard P. Jones, maintained that the United States had nothing to do with the rebellion and he protested the capture of the American oil properties. On the other hand, Sukarno had asked for more arms aid from the United States. He must have had strong suspicions about the source of rebel support. The vast number of guns, the bombers and heavy air transport aircraft dropping hundreds of tons of arms and equipment, as well as submarines supporting beach operations were just too sophisticated to be anything but major power ploys.

Thus, his appeal for U.S. arms aid had the ring of gamesmanship.

Playing along with the game, John Foster Dulles issued a statement saying that the United States would not provide arms to either side.

Operation 40 from Spartacus Educational

On 11th December, 1959, Colonel Joseph Caldwell King, chief of CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division, sent a confidential memorandum to Allen W. Dulles, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. King argued that in Cuba there existed a “far-left dictatorship, which if allowed to remain will encourage similar actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries.”

As a result of this memorandum Dulles established Operation 40. It obtained this name because originally there were 40 agents involved in the operation. Later this was expanded to 70 agents. The group was presided over by Richard Nixon. Tracy Barnes became operating officer of what was also called the Cuban Task Force. The first meeting chaired by Barnes took place in his office on 18th January, 1960, and was attended by David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Jack Esterline, and Frank Bender.

According to Fabian Escalante, a senior officer of the Cuban Department of State Security (G-2), in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an “important group of businessmen headed by George Bush (Snr.) and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation”. (2) This suggests that Operation 40 agents were involved in freelance work.

It is known that at this time that George Bush and Jack Crichton were involved in covert right-wing activities. In 1990 Common Cause Magazinemagazine argued that: “The CIA put millionaire and agent George Bush in charge of recruiting exiled Cubans for the CIA’s invading army; Bush was working with another Texan oil magnate, Jack Crichton, who helped him in terms of the invasion.” (3) This story was linked to the release of “a memorandum in that context addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed November 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA” (4)

Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo claim that in 1959 George Bush was asked “to cooperate in funding the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to create”. The man “assigned to him for his new mission” was Féliz Rodríguez.

Daniel Hopsicker also takes the view that Operation 40 involved private funding. In the book, Barry and the Boys: The CIA, the Mob and America’s Secret History, he claims that Richard Nixon had established Operation 40 as a result of pressure from American corporations which had suffered at the hands of Fidel Castro.

Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin have argued that George Bush was very close to members of Operation 40 in the early 1960s. In September, 1963, Bush launched his Senate campaign. At that time, right-wing Republicans were calling on John F. Kennedy to take a more aggressive approach towards Castro. For example, in one speech Barry Goldwater said: “I advocate the recognition of a Cuban government in exile and would encourage this government every way to reclaim its country. This means financial and military assistance.” Bush took a more extreme position than Goldwater and called for a “new government-in-exile invasion of Cuba”. As Tarpley and Chaitkin point out, beneficiaries of this policy would have been “Theodore Shackley, who was by now the station chief of CIA Miami Station, Felix Rodriguez, Chi Chi Quintero, and the rest of the boys” from Operation 40. (7)

Paul Kangas is another investigator who has claimed that George Bush was involved with members of Operation 40. In an article published in The Realist in 1990, Kangas claims: “Among other members of the CIA recruited by George Bush for (the attacks on Cuba) were Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quintero.” In an article published in Granma in January, 2006, the journalists Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo argued that “Another of Bush’s recruits for the Bay of Pigs invasion, Rafael Quintero, who was also part of this underworld of organizations and conspiracies against Cuba, stated: If I was to tell what I know about Dallas and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the greatest scandal that has ever rocked the nation.”

Fabian Escalante names William Pawley as being one of those who was lobbying for the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. (9) Escalante points out that Pawley had played a similar role in the CIA overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala. Interestingly, the CIA assembled virtually the same team that was involved in the removal of Arbenz: Tracey Barnes, Richard Bissell, David Morales, David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Rip Robertson and Henry Hecksher. Added to this list was several agents who had been involved in undercover operations in Germany: Ted Shackley, Tom Clines and William Harvey.

According to Daniel Hopsicker, the following were also involved in Operation 40: Edwin Wilson, Barry Seal, William Seymour, Frank Sturgis and Gerry Hemming. (10) It has also been pointed out that Operation 40 was not only involved in trying to overthrow Fidel Castro. Sturgis has claimed: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents.”

At times he would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequaled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

Fletcher Prouty offers a rare glimpse of the “Power Elite” as described by Buckminster Fuller, or “The High Cabal” as Winston Churchill refered to them; and how they really operate. Those who have not been in a position to witness events such as these from the inside would not understand how invisible but ultimately effective they and their power structures are.

Fletcher wrote, lectured, spoke on Radio shows, and was on Television many times, often regarding political intrigue from Watergate to the JFK Assassination. Of course he worked with Oliver Stone, Jim Garrison, and Zachary Sklar on the film “JFK”

Fletcher Prouty was one of the most warm and amiable men you could ever meet. Almost endlessly, people from around the world came to visit and interview him. All you had to do was ask and he would give of his time. It will be his selfless and dogged effort to educate and inform that I feel he will be remembered for.

Whenever I was at his upstairs office at his home there was always a stack of letters that he would be replying to. Not a few, but a stack!

He wrote two books and close to 100 articles for various publications. I know he was very proud of everything thing he had written, but especially his two books, “The Secret Team”, and “JFK, Vietnam The CIA, And The Plot to Assassinate JFK”

Some CV information on Col Prouty

Col. L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF)

Born: Springfield, Mass., January 24, 1917. Attended public schools. President, High School Student Government. Member, undefeated Golf Team. Vocalist with Big Bands, sang in most large dance halls, hotels and colleges in Northeast. Graduate: Mass. State College 1941, A.B. degree and 2nd Lt. Commission, U.S. Cavalry.

June 1941

Began military career with 4th Armored Division, Pine Camp, NY. At Communications Officer School, Ft. Knox, KY, on December 7, 1941[Pearl Harbor]. Transferred to Air Force 1942. Earned Pilot’s wings November, 1942. Arrived British West Africa [Ghana], February 1943 as pilot with Air Transport Command.

Assigned to V.I.P. flying, summer 1943. Personal pilot for Gen. Omar Bradley, Gen. J. C. H. Lee and Gen. C. R. Smith (Founder and President – American Airlines), among others. Landed U.S. Geological Survey Team in Saudi Arabia, Oct 1943, to confirm oil discoveries for Cairo Conference.

Assigned special duties at Cairo and Teheran Conferences, November-December 1943. Flew Chiang Kai Shek’s Chinese delegation (T.V. Soong’s delegates) to Teheran.

Chief Pilot (1,200 pilots), Cairo for Air Transport Command. Led special air mission into Soviet Union, and others into Turkey, 1944. Evacuated “Guns of Navaronne” British commandos from Turkey to Palestine. Assisted in capture of leader of German Gold smuggling ring (The actor, Bruce Cabot) in Turkey and Cairo. Led large flight of transport aircraft to Turkish-Syrian border to evacuate 750 American POW’s and OSS-selected Ex-Nazi Intelligence experts from the Balkans, September 1944. The first “overt” Cold War mission.

1945

Transferred to SW Pacific, flew in New Guinea, Leyte and was on Okinawa at end of war. Landed near Tokyo at surrender with first three planes carrying Gen. MacArthur’s bodyguard troops. Flew out with American POWs. Photographed Hiroshima, that date. (With James Paul Donegan, recon P-51 pilot in the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing air wings?)

1946-49

Assigned by Army to Yale University to begin first USAF ROTC program. Taught “Aeronautics” and “Evolution of Warfare”. Transferred to U.S. Air Force ROTC headquarters to write college text books. Wrote the college textbook on “Aeronautics” and another on “Rockets and Missiles”.

1950-52

Transferred to Colorado Springs to establish Air Defense Command. There, Director, Personnel Planning for Command (77,000 men) and first to put personnel records on Computer. Attended Nuclear Weapons school, Sandia, N.M. Selected for Air Force Command and Staff College, Montgomery, Ala.

1952-54 Assigned to Korean War duties in Japan. Military Manager, Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during Occupation. Commander, Military Air Transport Service, Heavy Transport Squadron responsible for military and diplomatic flights from Toyko to Saudi Arabia and back, in addition to daily flights to Korea, Honolulu and Pacific Islands. Founder, Toyko Toastmasters Club. Attended, JCS operated Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, 1955

1955-1964

Assigned to Headquarters, U.S. Air Force and directed to create an Air Force world-wide system for “Military Support of the Clandestine Operations of the CIA”, as required by a new National Security Council Directive, 5412 of March, 1954. Wrote this policy in conjunction with Air Force General Counsel and CIA’s General Counsel. Set up a TOP SECRET world wide support force and communications system. Was sent around the world by the Director, Central Intelligence, Allen W. Dulles, to meet the CIA Station Chiefs, 1956. Directed Air Force participation in countless CIA operations during this period. As a result of a CIA Commendation for this work, awarded the Legion of Merit by the Air Force, promoted to Colonel and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense to carry out this same type of work for all military services. Assigned to the Office of Special Operations.

With the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency by Secretary McNamara and the abolishment of the OSO, was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to create a similar, world-wide office and was the Chief of Special Operations, with the Joint Staff all during 1962-1963.

Received orders to travel as the Military Escort officer for a group of VIPs who were being flown to the South Pole, Nov 10 – Nov 28, 1963, to activate a Nuclear Power plant for heat, light and sea water desalination at the U.S. Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica.

Retired as Colonel, U.S. Air Force, 1964 and was awarded one of the first three Joint Chiefs of Staff Commendation Medals by General Maxwell Taylor, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.

1964-1965

VP International Operations, General Aircraft Corporation… a company created by MIT and Harvard specialists that designed and built aircraft that were used by the CIA and Army Special Forces.

After the war, Prouty accepted an assignment from the U.S. Army in September 1945 to inaugurate the ROTC program at Yale University, where he also taught during each scholastic year from 1946 to 1948. This timeline intersects with the years that George Bush and William F. Buckley, Jr. also spent at Yale. Prouty fondly recalled Buckley at that time in his role as editor of the Yale Daily News, and Prouty later told an interviewer in 1989 that he had written for Buckley on several occasions.

In 1950 he transferred to Colorado Springs to build Air Defense Command. From 1952 to 1954 he was assigned to Korean War duties in Japan, where he served as Military Manager for Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during the post-war U.S. occupation.

In 1955 he was assigned to the coordination of operations between the fledgling U.S. Air Force and the CIA.[1] As a result of a CIA commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the U.S. Air Force, promoted to colonel, and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense.[citation needed]

Following the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency and termination of the OSO by Secretary Robert McNamara, Prouty was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and charged with the creation a similar organization on a global scale.

From 1962 to 1963 he served as Chief of Special Operations with the Joint Staff. In an chance encounter with Edward Lansdale in the hallways of the Pentagon, a “month or two before” the assassination (as Prouty tells it), Lansdale informed Prouty he had arranged for him [Prouty] to accompany a group of VIPs to the South Pole from November 10 to 23, in the capacity of Military Escort officer.

The ostensible purpose of the trip was the activation of a nuclear power plant at the United States Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica, to provide heat, light, and sea water desalination.[citation needed] Prouty later described his confusion at the unusual assignment, but he expected the job to be a “paid vacation” and accepted the task.

Prouty retired in 1964 as a colonel in the U.S. Air Force. As recognition of his long and distinguished career in the service of his country, he was awarded one of the first three Joint Service Commendation Medals by General Maxwell D. Taylor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

Charles Pearre Cabell (October 11, 1903 – May 25, 1971) was a United States Air Force general and Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (1953-1962) and likely also knew James Paul Donegan my father more on James Paul Donegan and he kennedys and Prouty much later.

Charles P. Cabell was born in Dallas, Texas on October 11, 1903, the son of Ben E. (son of Confederate general William L. Cabell) and Sadie E. (Pearre) Cabell.[1][2] He attended Oak Cliff High School in Dallas, Texas, and graduated from West Point in 1925.[2][3] He was initially commissioned as an artillery lieutenant and served in the field artillery until 1931, when he went to flying school, and was transferred to the Air Corps.

In February 1942, Cabell was assigned as assistant executive for technical planning and coordination in the Office of the Chief of the Air Corps, and promoted to colonel. During the summer of 1943, he attended the first course of the Army and Navy Staff College. In late 1943, he was transferred to the Eighth Air Force and assumed command of the 45th Combat Bombardment Wing. In April 1944, he became director of plans for the U.S. Strategic Air Force in Europe, and later that year, having achieved the rank of brigadier general, became director of operations and intelligence for the Mediterranean Air Forces. During the war he served both at air force headquarters at the Pentagon and in the European Theater.

In May 1945, he was assigned to Air Force headquarters as chief of the Strategy and Policy Division. In December 1945, he was detailed to the United Nations Military Staff Committee, where he held roles as deputy and chief U.S. Air Force delegate to the committee. In August 1947, he was promoted major general and returned to Air Force headquarters, serving in planning and intelligence roles, and became director of Air Force Intelligence in May 1948. In 1949, Cabell set up Project Grudge to “make a study reviewing the UFO situation for AF HQ.” However, Grudge quickly became all but moribund, while simultaneously reporting that all UFO cases were being closely investigated. When Cabell learned of this, he ordered Grudge dissolved and ordered that the “open minded”[4] Project Blue Book be created.

He held this director of Air Force Intelligence post until 1951, before being made director of the staff for the Joint Chiefs of Staff from November 1951 to 1953. During this time, he was promoted to lieutenant general.[citation needed] In 1952, he was an enthusiastic promoter of the U-2 spy plane, along with Allen Welsh Dulles and John Foster Dulles.

CIA career

On April 23, 1953, while still an active air force officer, he was appointed Deputy Director of the CIA under Allen Dulles. In 1956, along with the CIA’s Richard Bissell, he flew to Bonn, to brief the West German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, on the ultra-secret U-2 spy plane. Cabell personally negotiated with Chancellor Adenauer for permission to station the U-2 in Wiesbaden and from there to fly over the Soviet Union illegally. It was the U-2 program that allowed CIA chief Allen Dulles to sabotage the peace summit between Khrushchev and Eisenhower.

Cabell was promoted to full general in 1958[6] and retired from active duty effective January 31, 1962.

Cabell was forced to resign as deputy director by President Kennedy on January 31, 1962, following the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion.[8] Cabell’s brother, Earle Cabell, was Mayor of Dallas when Kennedy visited that city and was assassinated, on November 22, 1963.

JFK assassination

One hypothesis regarding the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy implicates Cabell and several other CIA officials, including James Jesus Angleton and William King Harvey, as well as the “three tramps”, and Cabell’s brother Earle Cabell.

During Jim Garrison’s 1973 bribery trial, tape recordings from March 1971 revealed that Garrison considered publicly implicating Cabell of conspiracy in the assassination after learning he was the brother of the Dallas mayor.[11] Theorizing that a plot to kill the President was masterminded out of New Orleans in conjunction with the CIA with cooperation from the Dallas police department and city government, Garrison tasked his chief investigator, Pershing Gervais, of looking into the possibility that Cabell had stayed in the city’s Fontainebleau Motel at the time of the assassination.[11] The Washington Post reported that there was no evidence that Gervais ever followed through with the request and that there was no further mention of Cabell in Garrison’s investigation.

Personal life

Cabell was married to Jacklyn DeHymel in 1934; they had two sons, Charles P. Cabell, Jr. and Benjamin Cabell IV, and one daughter, Catharine C. Bennett. He left an autobiography, A Man of Intelligence: Memoirs of War, Peace and the CIA, published in 1997. His oldest son Charles was also an Air Force officer and West Point graduate (Class of 1958), achieving the rank of brigadier general.

The Great Treason X, Pillory, Ted Gunderson Bio, Written By The Right Hand, Majic 12 and the Secret Government

Visits: 20

Leave a Reply