Web Stats

In the last 30 days New William Cooper website has had unique visitors from 30 countries most from the USA, China, and Singapore. I think ASIA and the history of Indonesia has some world interest.

People in the USA continue to repel rather than researcb Birther Theory but it is a slice of the total pie of Indirect Rule theory I offer; that global strategist groom CIA backed leaders for world control and this is also (though Prouty offered equal details on an overly of similar scope and breadth) matches what Prouty said. You can think of two pieces of paper 80 percent in common with each its own 10 percent. (Venn Diagram now that I am reminded of it.)

In addition hudreds of books on the RKF and JFK assassinations and the cold war and downing of UAL flight 533 and TWA 800 and George H.W. Bush of the CIA at the JFK assassinatiom and Watergate burgelars covnering JFK details all match.

This should be of serious concern to all. The first page of web hits by country (1-35) are listed here.

New William Cooper Unique Visitors by country last 30 days
	Country	Visitors
1	United States	178
2	Singapore	55
3	Germany	42
4	China	23
5	Netherlands	22
6	Sweden	20
7	Canada	19
8	Russian Federation	13
9	United Kingdom	13
10	France	10
11	India	5
12	Switzerland	5
13	Poland	4
14	Spain	4
15	Bulgaria	4
16	Malta	4
17	Belgium	4
18	Iran	2
19	Norway	2
20	Ireland	2
21	Latvia	2
22	Ukraine	1
23	Italy	1
24	Viet Nam	1
25	Seychelles	1

Understanding Prouty

Col Prouty Was A Revealor

Col Prouty wrote Guns of Dallas and Nixon and Indonesia, two truthful and previously unconnected articles on the CIA that are included here.

L. Fletcher Prouty (1917–2001), a retired colonel of the U.S. Air Force, served as the chief of special operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Kennedy years. He was directly in charge of the global system designed to provide military support for the clandestine activities of the CIA. He was the author of JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy and The Secret Team: The CIA and Its Allies. – Amazon author profile

“Flexible Response” (to Communist influence on nations of the world rather than uniformed combat) was CIA based assassinations and Psychological Warfare studying how to and then influencing popular opinions in foreign nations and included full overthrow operations lending hands to internal combatants of contested countries.

Col. Prouty spent 9 of his 23 year military career in the Pentagon (1955-1964) VP Nixon served from 1952 to 1960 and jFK inaugurated 1961 to 1963:

Allen Dulles, Gen. Ed Lansdale, Gen. Charles P. Cabell, Mr. Nathan Twining

2 years with the Secretary of Defense,
2 years with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
5 years with Headquarters, U.S. Air Force

In 1955 he was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

At times he would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequalled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY

WASHINGTON 25, D. C.

OFFICE OF DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE – 6 JAN 1958

MEMORANDUM FOR: CHIEF OF STAFF, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE

SUBJECT: Commendation of Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, 7730A

I am pleased to call to your attention the exceptionally fine assistance and cooperation extended to the several components of the Central Intelligence Agency by Lieutenant Colonel Leroy F. Prouty, Chief, Team B, Subsidiary Plans Division, Directorate of Plans, DCS/P&P [Directorate of Clandestine Services and Projects and Planning under Richard Bissle Jr.], Headquarters USAF.
Since his assignment as Chief of Team B, in August 1955, Colonel Prouty has been called upon frequently to assist this Agency in the support of sensitive activities of the greatest importance to the National Security. His effective assistance and numerous contributions to the solution of varied and difficult problems have been consistently successful and have marked him as an outstanding officer of unusual professional competence and potential.
Colonel Prout’s keen understanding of the many unique and complex problems which confront both the operational and support elements of this Agency and his personal interest and application to them have consistently produced efficient and outstanding results.
It is recommended that this letter of commendation be placed in Colonel Prouty’s personnel folder.

C. P. CABELL

Lieutenant General, USAF

Deputy Director

Oversight of United States covert operations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Executive oversight of United States covert operations has been carried out by a series of sub-committees of the National Security Council (NSC).

Birth of covert operations in the Cold War

At the beginning of the Cold War, it was not inevitable that covert operations would become the dominion of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The National Security Act of 1947 did not explicitly authorize the CIA to conduct covert operations, although Section 102(d)(5) was sufficiently vague to permit abuse. At the very first meetings of the NSC in late 1947, the perceived necessity to “stem the flow of communism” in Western Europe—particularly Italy—by overt and covert “psychological warfare” forced the issue. The actual responsibility for these operations was a hot potato, and when it was decided that the State Department would be in charge, Secretary of State George Marshall sharply opposed it, fearing it would tarnish the international credibility of his department. The upshot was that responsibility for covert operations was passed on to the CIA; this was codified in a NSC policy paper called NSC 4-A,[4] approved in December 1947. NSC 4-A provided the authorization for the intervention of the CIA in the Italian elections of April 1948.[5]

According to John Prados, the CIA cut the PSB out of the loop, establishing instead an internal mechanism for approval of operations. In 1953, DCI Smith said that the PSB was “incompetent and its work irrelevant”.

“As the Truman administration ended”, writes the Office of the Historian,

Concurrent with our work the CIA was putting together a “wartime” operational staff. Lt. Gen. Earl Barnes, who had been a senior air commander during World War II under Gen. Douglas MacArthur, was brought in to run all clandestine air activities.

CIA was near the peak of its independence and authority in the field of covert action. Although CIA continued to seek and receive advice on specific projects from the NSC, the PSB, and the departmental representatives originally delegated to advise OPC, no group or officer outside of the DCI and the President himself had authority to order, approve, manage, or curtail operations.[26]

Enter Eisenhower

The Eisenhower administration took office on 20 January 1953. When Eisenhower replaced the PSB with the Operations Coordinating Board (OCB) on 2 September 1953, he also did away with the 10/5 Panel, reverting to “a smaller group identical to the former 10/2 Panel, without OCB staff participation.” On 15 March 1954, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412, which required CIA to consult with OCB. Although Eisenhower would later congratulate the CIA with its success in deposing Guatemala’s democratically elected President, Jacobo Árbenz, he was privately irked by CIA’s unauthorized bombing of SS Springfjord. According to Prados, that incident “convinced Eisenhower of the need for more rigorous control over covert action”.

Planning Coordination Group (March 1955–December 1955)

The arrangement in NSC 5412 suffered the same problem as the 10/5 Panel;[23] OCB “included more officials than ought to be concerned with secret war.” So on 12 March 1955, Eisenhower approved NSC 5412/1, creating a more senior Planning Coordination Group (PCG) within OCB. Significantly, the directive explicitly charged PCG with approving covert operations. The PCG proved to be a failure; its chairman, Nelson Rockefeller, recommended the abolishment of PCG before year’s end. According to Prados, the problem was that CIA had not been forthcoming with details, latching on to a mention of “need-to-know” in NSC 5412/1. The next directive would solve this by creating a committee “so high-powered there could be no question” of its need to know.

Special Group/303 Committee (December 1955–February 1970)

NSC 5412/2 was approved by Eisenhower on 28 December 1955, a directive which remained in force for 15 years.Paragraph 7 specified the new oversight mechanism:

Except as the President otherwise directs, designated representatives of the Secretary of State and of the Secretary of Defense of the rank of Assistant Secretary or above, and a representative of the President designated for this purpose, shall hereafter be advised in advance of major covert programs initiated by CIA under this policy or as otherwise directed, and shall be the normal channel for giving policy approval for such programs as well as for securing coordination of support therefor among the Departments of State and Defense and the CIA.

In late 1956, the newly formed PBCFIA, which had turned a candid eye towards covert operations, took issue with the “very informal” procedures of the Special Group. Consequently, an annex to NSC 5412/2 was approved by Eisenhower on 26 March 1957, clarifying project approvals, and for the first time requiring the CIA to circulate “proposal papers” in advance of approval. The board continued to press for more prominence to the Special Group to keep the CIA from freewheeling. Eisenhower himself saw the proper functioning of the Special Group as crucial to fend off initiatives for meaningful congressional oversight of covert operations. On 26 December 1958 Eisenhower asked the Special Group to institute weekly meetings, with the result that “criteria for submission of projects to the Group were, in practice, considerably broadened.”

The resulting body became known as the 5412 Committee or, from 1957, the Special Group. It was the first time a “designated representative” of the President was included in the process; Eisenhower used his National Security Advisors for this purpose. The DCI was an ex officio member. In 1957, Eisenhower made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff a member as well. In practice the membership of the Special Group varied on an ad hoc basis.

Importantly at this time Prouty (and I think the Donegan’s began prepping for Indonesia. Indonesia 1958: Nixon, the CIA, and the Secret War
By L. Fletcher Prouty

Kennedy administration

The Special Group fell by the wayside when new administration of John F. Kennedy took office on 20 January 1961; although it remained “in theory intact”, in practice it “took a backseat to meetings at which JFK personally presided”. After the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Special Group returned to prominence, and new procedures were set out in July 1961. In the wake of the scandal, DDP Richard M. Bissell Jr. suggested the name and workings of the Special Group be made public to demonstrate to the American people that the CIA was under effective executive oversight; that did not happen.

A second Special Group (Augmented) existed from November 1961 to the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. The only difference was that it was specifically dedicated to managing the Cuban Project which sought to overthrow Fidel Castro’s regime, and was headed by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. After the Missile Crisis brought the world to the brink of destruction, management of the war against Castro was transferred to discussions in the EXCOMM and NSC proper, before being handed over to an “obscure NSC appendage” known as the Standing Group chaired by National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy.

Johnson administration

The Special Group was renamed to the 303 Committee on 2 June 1964, in response to the publication of the book The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, which made the old name public. A NSC staffer had recommended the new name be “something utterly drab and innocuous” to deflect away attention. The number refers to the national security directive which effected the change, NSAM 303.Alternatively, the Encyclopedia of the Central Intelligence Agency by W. Thomas Smith Jr. claims the name derives from “a room number in the executive office complex in Washington D.C.”

In 1955 under VP Richard Nixon and the National Security Council USAF officer Prouty was appointed the first “Focal Point” officer between the CIA and the Air Force for Clandestine Operations per National Security Council Directive 5412. He was Briefing Officer for the Secretary of Defense (1960-1961), and for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

In 1958 Allen Dulles would have brought such a major operation to the attention of the Special Group and he would operate with its approval. This was an essential step in national policy because it then empowered the Department of Defense to provide the necessary support requested by the CIA. Much of this fell within the area of my responsibility at Air Force Headquarters, and I was kept informed on a regular basis of approved action and of Nixon’s keen interest in this project.

What is not generally known about the complex Indonesian struggle is the role that was played by the then Vice President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, and the bitter aftermath that involved the sudden ouster of Allen Dulles’ protege, Frank Wisner, who at that time was the head of the clandestine arm of the CIA. After Watergate, when Anthony Lukas wrote in his book Nightmare, about the growing mistrust between Nixon and the Director of Central Intelligence, Richard Helms, he could have added that since the 1958 Indonesian rebellion there were many in the CIA who made a career of hating Nixon because of what he had done to Frank Wisner, among others.

The Indonesian attache was wined and dined and encouraged to talk more. Reasons for the attache’s return to Indonesia on official business were successfully arranged. He was accompanied by CIA agents traveling under the cover of “U.S. military” personnel. During this visit they spoke with rebel leaders. They learned enough about the potential strength of this opposition to encourage the CIA to set in motion its biggest operation up to that date.

In the Pentagon there are thousands of nondescript offices in which all sorts of tasks are done. One of these unobtrusive offices was an Air Force Plans Division office. One day in 1958 two men from the CIA entered that office. After being identified they were permitted entrance to an interior office that was the “Focal Point” office for all U.S. Air Force Support of the clandestine operations of the CIA. I Col Prouty had established that office in 1955 on orders from Gen. Thomas D. White, then Chief of Staff of the Air Force. This came about after several meetings with Allen W. Dulles, the Director of Central Intelligence, and others. When the CIA men entered that office in 1958, I was still in charge.

The agents outlined the Indonesian Plan, the Philippine support and training program, and told me about their own special operations staff that had been put together specifically for this vast project. Then they urgently requested light bombardment aircraft and long-range transport aircraft. We decided to take a number of twin engine B-26 aircraft out of mothball storage, put them through a retrofit line, and modify them so that they could be armed with a special 50-caliber machine gun package of eight guns, in the nose of the plane. This would give the B-26 more firepower than it ever had during the Korean War or World War II. The project was given top priority and covered in deep secrecy. Programs for pilot training and the recruitment of “mercenaries” were established.

This was important administratively because by that time Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director of Plans serving under fired by JFK Richard Bissle JR, had set up his forward headquarters in Singapore and at the direction of the 5412 Committee of the National Security Council, headed by Nixon, Wisner occupied that faraway headquarters himself. (It should be noted that in 1958 Allen Dulles (also fired by JFK) was the head of the CIA, his brother John Foster Dulles was the Secretary of State, Eisenhower was President, and Nixon, as Vice President, chaired the clandestine affairs committee, then known as the “Special Group 5412/2.” In other words nothing was done in Indonesia that was not directed by Nixon. If an action had not been directed by the NSC, then it was done unlawfully by the CIA.)

The rebellion flared sporadically from one end of Indonesia to the other.

While the CIA was supporting up to 100,000 rebels, the State Department professed innocence. The U.S. ambassador, Howard P. Jones, maintained that the United States had nothing to do with the rebellion and he protested the capture of the American oil properties. On the other hand, Sukarno had asked for more arms aid from the United States. He must have had strong suspicions about the source of rebel support. The vast number of guns, the bombers and heavy air transport aircraft dropping hundreds of tons of arms and equipment, as well as submarines supporting beach operations were just too sophisticated to be anything but major power ploys.

Thus, his appeal for U.S. arms aid had the ring of gamesmanship.

Playing along with the game, John Foster Dulles of Eisehower Nixon State Department issued a statement saying that the United States would not provide arms to either side.

Operation 40 from Spartacus Educational

On 11th December, 1959, Colonel Joseph Caldwell King, chief of CIA’s Western Hemisphere Division, sent a confidential memorandum to Allen W. Dulles, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. King argued that in Cuba there existed a “far-left dictatorship, which if allowed to remain will encourage similar actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries.”

As a result of this memorandum Dulles established Operation 40. It obtained this name because originally there were 40 agents involved in the operation. Later this was expanded to 70 agents. The group was presided over by Richard Nixon. Tracy Barnes became operating officer of what was also called the Cuban Task Force. The first meeting chaired by Barnes took place in his office on 18th January, 1960, and was attended by David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Jack Esterline, and Frank Bender.

According to Fabian Escalante, a senior officer of the Cuban Department of State Security (G-2), in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an “important group of businessmen headed by George Bush (Snr.) and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation”. (2) This suggests that Operation 40 agents were involved in freelance work.

It is known that at this time that George Bush and Jack Crichton were involved in covert right-wing activities. In 1990 Common Cause Magazinemagazine argued that: “The CIA put millionaire and agent George Bush in charge of recruiting exiled Cubans for the CIA’s invading army; Bush was working with another Texan oil magnate, Jack Crichton, who helped him in terms of the invasion.” (3) This story was linked to the release of “a memorandum in that context addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed November 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA” (4)

Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo claim that in 1959 George Bush was asked “to cooperate in funding the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to create”. The man “assigned to him for his new mission” was Féliz Rodríguez.

Daniel Hopsicker also takes the view that Operation 40 involved private funding. In the book, Barry and the Boys: The CIA, the Mob and America’s Secret History, he claims that Richard Nixon had established Operation 40 as a result of pressure from American corporations which had suffered at the hands of Fidel Castro.

Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin have argued that George Bush was very close to members of Operation 40 in the early 1960s. In September, 1963, Bush launched his Senate campaign. At that time, right-wing Republicans were calling on John F. Kennedy to take a more aggressive approach towards Castro. For example, in one speech Barry Goldwater said: “I advocate the recognition of a Cuban government in exile and would encourage this government every way to reclaim its country. This means financial and military assistance.” Bush took a more extreme position than Goldwater and called for a “new government-in-exile invasion of Cuba”. As Tarpley and Chaitkin point out, beneficiaries of this policy would have been “Theodore Shackley, who was by now the station chief of CIA Miami Station, Felix Rodriguez, Chi Chi Quintero, and the rest of the boys” from Operation 40.

Paul Kangas is another investigator who has claimed that George Bush was involved with members of Operation 40. In an article published in The Realist in 1990, Kangas claims: “Among other members of the CIA recruited by George Bush for (the attacks on Cuba) were Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quintero.” In an article published in Granma in January, 2006, the journalists Reinaldo Taladrid and Lazaro Baredo argued that “Another of Bush’s recruits for the Bay of Pigs invasion, Rafael Quintero, who was also part of this underworld of organizations and conspiracies against Cuba, stated: If I was to tell what I know about Dallas and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the greatest scandal that has ever rocked the nation.”

Fabian Escalante names William Pawley as being one of those who was lobbying for the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. (9) Escalante points out that Pawley had played a similar role in the CIA overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala. Interestingly, the CIA assembled virtually the same team that was involved in the removal of Arbenz: Tracey Barnes, Richard Bissell, David Morales, David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Rip Robertson and Henry Hecksher. Added to this list was several agents who had been involved in undercover operations in Germany: Ted Shackley, Tom Clines and William Harvey.

According to Daniel Hopsicker, the following were also involved in Operation 40: Edwin Wilson, Barry Seal, William Seymour, Frank Sturgis and Gerry Hemming. (10) It has also been pointed out that Operation 40 was not only involved in trying to overthrow Fidel Castro. Sturgis has claimed: “this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents.”

At times Prouty would be called to meet with Allen Dulles and John Foster Dulles at their home on highly classified business. He was assigned to attend MKULTRA meetings. In this capacity Col. Prouty would be at the nerve center of the Military-Industrial Complex at a time unequalled in American History. He has written on these subjects, about the JFK assassination, the Cold War period, and Vietnamese warfare, and the existence of a “Secret Team”. He backs up his his work with seldom seen or mentioned official documents – some never before released.

Fletcher Prouty offers a rare glimpse of the “Power Elite” as described by Buckminster Fuller, or “The High Cabal” as Winston Churchill refered to them; and how they really operate. Those who have not been in a position to witness events such as these from the inside would not understand how invisible but ultimately effective they and their power structures are.

Fletcher wrote, lectured, spoke on Radio shows, and was on Television many times, often regarding political intrigue from Watergate to the JFK Assassination. Of course he worked with Oliver Stone, Jim Garrison, and Zachary Sklar on the film “JFK”

Fletcher Prouty was one of the most warm and amiable men you could ever meet. Almost endlessly, people from around the world came to visit and interview him. All you had to do was ask and he would give of his time. It will be his selfless and dogged effort to educate and inform that I feel he will be remembered for.

Whenever I was at his upstairs office at his home there was always a stack of letters that he would be replying to. Not a few, but a stack!

He wrote two books and close to 100 articles for various publications. I know he was very proud of everything thing he had written, but especially his two books, “The Secret Team”, and “JFK, Vietnam The CIA, And The Plot to Assassinate JFK”

Some CV information on Col Prouty

Col. L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF)

Born: Springfield, Mass., January 24, 1917. Attended public schools. President, High School Student Government. Member, undefeated Golf Team. Vocalist with Big Bands, sang in most large dance halls, hotels and colleges in Northeast. Graduate: Mass. State College 1941, A.B. degree and 2nd Lt. Commission, U.S. Cavalry.

June 1941

Began military career with 4th Armored Division, Pine Camp, NY. At Communications Officer School, Ft. Knox, KY, on December 7, 1941[Pearl Harbor]. Transferred to Air Force 1942. Earned Pilot’s wings November, 1942. Arrived British West Africa [Ghana], February 1943 as pilot with Air Transport Command.

Assigned to V.I.P. flying, summer 1943. Personal pilot for Gen. Omar Bradley, Gen. J. C. H. Lee and Gen. C. R. Smith (Founder and President – American Airlines), among others. Landed U.S. Geological Survey Team in Saudi Arabia, Oct 1943, to confirm oil discoveries for Cairo Conference.

Assigned special duties at Cairo and Teheran Conferences, November-December 1943. Flew Chiang Kai Shek’s Chinese delegation (T.V. Soong’s delegates) to Teheran.

Chief Pilot (1,200 pilots), Cairo for Air Transport Command. Led special air mission into Soviet Union, and others into Turkey, 1944. Evacuated “Guns of Navaronne” British commandos from Turkey to Palestine. Assisted in capture of leader of German Gold smuggling ring (The actor, Bruce Cabot) in Turkey and Cairo. Led large flight of transport aircraft to Turkish-Syrian border to evacuate 750 American POW’s and OSS-selected Ex-Nazi Intelligence experts from the Balkans, September 1944. The first “overt” Cold War mission.

1945

Transferred to SW Pacific, flew in New Guinea, Leyte and was on Okinawa at end of war. Landed near Tokyo at surrender with first three planes carrying Gen. MacArthur’s bodyguard troops. Flew out with American POWs. Photographed Hiroshima, that date. (With James Paul Donegan, recon P-51 pilot in the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombing air wings?)

1946-49

Assigned by Army to Yale University to begin first USAF ROTC program. Taught “Aeronautics” and “Evolution of Warfare”. Transferred to U.S. Air Force ROTC headquarters to write college text books. Wrote the college textbook on “Aeronautics” and another on “Rockets and Missiles”.

1950-52

Transferred to Colorado Springs to establish Air Defense Command. There, Director, Personnel Planning for Command (77,000 men) and first to put personnel records on Computer. Attended Nuclear Weapons school, Sandia, N.M. Selected for Air Force Command and Staff College, Montgomery, Ala.

1952-54

Assigned to Korean War duties in Japan. Military Manager, Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during Occupation. Commander, Military Air Transport Service, Heavy Transport Squadron responsible for military and diplomatic flights from Toyko to Saudi Arabia and back, in addition to daily flights to Korea, Honolulu and Pacific Islands. Founder, Toyko Toastmasters Club. Attended, JCS operated Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, 1955

1955-1964

Assigned to Headquarters, U.S. Air Force and directed to create an Air Force world-wide system for “Military Support of the Clandestine Operations of the CIA”, as required by a new National Security Council Directive, 5412 of March, 1954. Wrote this policy in conjunction with Air Force General Counsel and CIA’s General Counsel. Set up a TOP SECRET world wide support force and communications system. Was sent around the world by the Director, Central Intelligence, Allen W. Dulles, to meet the CIA Station Chiefs, 1956. Directed Air Force participation in countless CIA operations during this period. As a result of a CIA Commendation for this work, awarded the Legion of Merit by the Air Force, promoted to Colonel and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense to carry out this same type of work for all military services. Assigned to the Office of Special Operations.

With the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency by Secretary McNamara and the abolishment of the OSO, was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to create a similar, world-wide office and was the Chief of Special Operations, with the Joint Staff all during 1962-1963.

Retired as Colonel, U.S. Air Force, 1964 and was awarded one of the first three Joint Chiefs of Staff Commendation Medals by General Maxwell Taylor, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.

1964-1965

VP International Operations, General Aircraft Corporation… a company created by MIT and Harvard specialists that designed and built aircraft that were used by the CIA and Army Special Forces.

After the war, Prouty accepted an assignment from the U.S. Army in September 1945 to inaugurate the ROTC program at Yale University, where he also taught during each scholastic year from 1946 to 1948. This timeline intersects with the years that George Bush and William F. Buckley, Jr. also spent at Yale. Prouty fondly recalled Buckley at that time in his role as editor of the Yale Daily News, and Prouty later told an interviewer in 1989 that he had written for Buckley on several occasions.

In 1950 he transferred to Colorado Springs to build Air Defense Command. From 1952 to 1954 he was assigned to Korean War duties in Japan, where he served as Military Manager for Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during the post-war U.S. occupation.

In 1955 he was assigned to the coordination of operations between the fledgling U.S. Air Force and the CIA. As a result of a CIA commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the U.S. Air Force, promoted to colonel, and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense most likely serving under and being a direct report to Lovett Jr..

Following the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency and termination of the OSO by Secretary Robert McNamara, Prouty was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and charged with the creation a similar organization on a global scale. [This was most likely the plan to create the Defense Intelligence Agency that would begin and compete with the CIA during the Kennedy Administraion,]

From 1962 to 1963 he served as Chief of Special Operations with the Joint Staff. In an chance encounter with Edward Lansdale in the hallways of the Pentagon, a “month or two before” the assassination (as Prouty tells it), Lansdale informed Prouty he had arranged for him [Prouty] to accompany a group of VIPs to the South Pole from November 10 to 23, in the capacity of Military Escort officer.

The ostensible purpose of the trip was the activation of a nuclear power plant at the United States Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica, to provide heat, light, and sea water desalination.[citation needed] Prouty later described his confusion at the unusual assignment, but he expected the job to be a “paid vacation” and accepted the task.

Prouty retired in 1964 as a colonel in the U.S. Air Force. As recognition of his long and distinguished career in the service of his country, he was awarded one of the first three Joint Service Commendation Medals by General Maxwell D. Taylor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

Col. L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF)

June 1941
Began military career with 4th Armored Division, Pine Camp, NY. At Communications Officer School, Ft. Knox, KY, on December 7, 1941[Pearl Harbor]. Transferred to Air Force 1942. Earned Pilot’s wings November, 1942. Arrived British West Africa [Ghana], February 1943 as pilot with Air Transport Command.

Assigned special duties at Cairo and Teheran Conferences, November-December 1943. Flew Chiang Kai Shek’s Chinese delegation (T.V. Soong’s delegates) to Teheran.

1945

1946-49

1950-52

1952-54 Assigned to Korean War duties in Japan. Military Manager, Tokyo International Airport (Haneda) during Occupation. Commander, Military Air Transport Service, Heavy Transport Squadron responsible for military and diplomatic flights from Toyko to Saudi Arabia and back, in addition to daily flights to Korea, Honolulu and Pacific Islands. Founder, Toyko Toastmasters Club. Attended, JCS operated Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, 1955

1955-1964

With the creation of the Defense Intelligence Agency by Secretary McNamara and the abolishment of the Office of Special Operations (OSO), Col Prouty was transferred to the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to create a similar, world-wide office and was the Chief of Special Operations, with the Joint Staff all during 1962-1963.

Received orders to travel as the Military Escort officer for a group of VIPs who were being flown to the South Pole, Nov 10 – Nov 28, 1963, to activate a Nuclear Power plant for heat, light and sea water desalination at the U.S. Navy Base at McMurdo Sound, Antarctica. [Prouty believes he was being sent to a place with no view of evcents. He likely would not be in Dallas if not sent to Antarctica but bieing in Antartica he could not tell Lansdale and others were unusually missing from Washington D.C.,]

Retired as Colonel, U.S. Air Force, 1964 and was awarded one of the first three Joint Chiefs of Staff Commendation Medals by General Maxwell Taylor, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff.

1964-1965

VP International Operations, General Aircraft Corporation… a company created by MIT and Harvard specialists that designed and built aircraft that were used by the CIA and Army Special Forces.

In 1955 he was assigned to the coordination of operations between the fledgling U.S. Air Force and the CIA.[1] As a result of a CIA commendation for this work he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the U.S. Air Force, promoted to colonel, and assigned to the Office of the Secretary of Defense.[citation needed]

Charles Pearre Cabell (October 11, 1903 – May 25, 1971) was a United States Air Force general and Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (1953–1962) and likely also knew James Paul Donegan my father more on James Paul Donegan and he kennedys and Prouty much later.

Charles P. Cabell was born in Dallas, Texas on October 11, 1903, the son of Ben E. (son of Confederate general William L. Cabell) and Sadie E. (Pearre) Cabell.[1][2] He attended Oak Cliff High School in Dallas, Texas, and graduated from West Point in 1925.[2][3] He was initially commissioned as an artillery lieutenant and served in the field artillery until 1931, when he went to flying school, and was transferred to the Air Corps.

In February 1942, Cabell was assigned as assistant executive for technical planning and coordination in the Office of the Chief of the Air Corps, and promoted to colonel. During the summer of 1943, he attended the first course of the Army and Navy Staff College. In late 1943, he was transferred to the Eighth Air Force and assumed command of the 45th Combat Bombardment Wing. In April 1944, he became director of plans for the U.S. Strategic Air Force in Europe, and later that year, having achieved the rank of brigadier general, became director of operations and intelligence for the Mediterranean Air Forces. During the war he served both at air force headquarters at the Pentagon and in the European Theater.

In May 1945, he was assigned to Air Force headquarters as chief of the Strategy and Policy Division. In December 1945, he was detailed to the United Nations Military Staff Committee, where he held roles as deputy and chief U.S. Air Force delegate to the committee. In August 1947, he was promoted major general and returned to Air Force headquarters, serving in planning and intelligence roles, and became director of Air Force Intelligence in May 1948. In 1949, Cabell set up Project Grudge to “make a study reviewing the UFO situation for AF HQ.” However, Grudge quickly became all but moribund, while simultaneously reporting that all UFO cases were being closely investigated. When Cabell learned of this, he ordered Grudge dissolved and ordered that the “open minded”[4] Project Blue Book be created.

He held this director of Air Force Intelligence post until 1951, before being made director of the staff for the Joint Chiefs of Staff from November 1951 to 1953. During this time, he was promoted to lieutenant general.[citation needed] In 1952, he was an enthusiastic promoter of the U-2 spy plane, along with Allen Welsh Dulles and John Foster Dulles.

CIA career

On April 23, 1953, while still an active air force officer, he was appointed Deputy Director of the CIA under Allen Dulles. In 1956, along with the CIA’s Richard Bissell, he flew to Bonn, to brief the West German Chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, on the ultra-secret U-2 spy plane. Cabell personally negotiated with Chancellor Adenauer for permission to station the U-2 in Wiesbaden and from there to fly over the Soviet Union illegally. It was the U-2 program that allowed CIA chief Allen Dulles to sabotage the peace summit between Khrushchev and Eisenhower.

Cabell was promoted to full general in 1958[6] and retired from active duty effective January 31, 1962.

Cabell was forced to resign as deputy director by President Kennedy on January 31, 1962, following the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion.[8] Cabell’s brother, Earle Cabell, was Mayor of Dallas when Kennedy visited that city and was assassinated, on November 22, 1963.

JFK assassination

One hypothesis regarding the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy implicates Cabell and several other CIA officials, including James Jesus Angleton and William King Harvey, as well as the “three tramps”, and Cabell’s brother Earle Cabell.

During Jim Garrison’s 1973 bribery trial, tape recordings from March 1971 revealed that Garrison considered publicly implicating Cabell of conspiracy in the assassination after learning he was the brother of the Dallas mayor.[11] Theorizing that a plot to kill the President was masterminded out of New Orleans in conjunction with the CIA with cooperation from the Dallas police department and city government, Garrison tasked his chief investigator, Pershing Gervais, of looking into the possibility that Cabell had stayed in the city’s Fontainebleau Motel at the time of the assassination.[11] The Washington Post reported that there was no evidence that Gervais ever followed through with the request and that there was no further mention of Cabell in Garrison’s investigation.

Personal life

Cabell was married to Jacklyn DeHymel in 1934; they had two sons, Charles P. Cabell, Jr. and Benjamin Cabell IV, and one daughter, Catharine C. Bennett. He left an autobiography, A Man of Intelligence: Memoirs of War, Peace and the CIA, published in 1997. His oldest son Charles was also an Air Force officer and West Point graduate (Class of 1958), achieving the rank of brigadier general.

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New William Cooper Patriotic Sovereign Press

Books series on The Deep State and the CIA Special Relationship With Great Britain

Understanding Prouty

Col Prouty Was A Revealor

Oversight of United States covert operations

Birth of covert operations in the Cold War

Enter Eisenhower

Planning Coordination Group (March 1955–December 1955)

Special Group/303 Committee (December 1955–February 1970)

Kennedy administration

Johnson administration

Operation 40 from Spartacus Educational

June 1941

1945

1946-49

1950-52

1952-54

1955-1964

1964-1965

Col. L. Fletcher Prouty (USAF)

CIA career

JFK assassination

Personal life

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